The life and letters of Emory Upton, colonel of the Fourth regiment of artillery, and brevet major-general, U. S. army

THE

LIFE AND LETTERS

OF

EMORY UPTON,

\

Colonel of the Fourth Regiment of Artillery, and
E revet Major-General, U. S. Army.

BY

PETER S. MICHIE,

PROFESSOR U. S. MILITARY ACADEMY

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

BY

JAMES HARRISON WILSON,

LATE U. S. A.

NEW YORK:
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,

I, 3, AND 5 BOND STREET.
1885.

^

.0-

COPYRIGHT, 1885,
Bv SARA K. UPTON.

TO

DANIEL UPTON,

AND

ELECTA UPTON, HIS WIFE,

THE HONORED PARENTS OF

EMORY UPTON,
THIS MEMOIR IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED.

224114

PREFACE.

THE subject of the following memoir was wide
ly known by reputation in the military profession,
and the story of his life would, at least to military
men, have been a matter of passing interest. The
tragic circumstances of his death seemed to de
mand some explanation in harmony with his estab
lished reputation and character. At the earnest
solicitation of his nearest relatives, the author,
although conscious of his own deficiencies, under
took the task of compiling a brief record of Gen
eral Upton's life for his family and immediate per
sonal friends.

In overstepping the limits at first proposed for
the work, and in extending its circulation to the
general public, the author has been guided by two
considerations: First, the hope that the lessons
drawn from General Upton's life might be valu
able to the youths who may hereafter enter the
military profession, brought about a modification of
its original plan, and necessitated the omission of
much that was of purely family interest ; second,

vi Preface.

Upton's valuable researches into the military policy
of his country, and the essential influence which
his conclusions will have upon its future military
organizations, seemed to warrant the wider pub
licity which is now attempted.

Although the volume has been written while the
author has been engaged in official duties of a
somewhat exacting nature, his task has been great
ly lessened by the abundant material placed at his
disposal. Whatever excellence the book contains,
the author gratefully acknowledges to be due to
the wise counsel and able criticism of his friend
General J. H. Wilson. Whatever defects honest
criticism may note in the matter retained, method
of presentation, or style of expression, are to be
charged to the inexperience of the author, whose
only qualification for the assumed task was a sin
cere desire to judge rightly and deal justly with
the character of his friend and comrade.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION .... .... ix

CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD i

CHAPTER II.
CADET-LIFE AT WEST POINT 10

CHAPTER III.
ACTIVE SERVICE AS A SUBALTERN 42

CHAPTER IV.
SERVICE AS A REGIMENTAL AND BRIGADE COMMANDER. . 66

CHAPTER V.
SERVICE AS DIVISION COMMANDER OF CAVALRY . . . 130

CHAPTER VI.
SERVICE IN COLORADO — TACTICS 179

CHAPTER VII.
MARRIAGE 217

viii Contents.

CHAPTER VIII.

PAGE

COMMANDANT OF CADETS 242

CHAPTER IX.
MILITARY OBSERVATIONS AND STUDIES IN FOREIGN LANDS . 284

CHAPTER X,
REPORT ON THE ARMIES OF EUROPE AND ASIA . . . 388

CHAPTER XI.
THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES . . . 416

CHAPTER XII.

PROFESSIONAL VIEWS ON MILITARY LEGISLATION, AND FINAL

REVISION OF TACTICS 454

CHAPTER XIII.
DEATH 474

INTRODUCTION.

IT was my good fortune to know EMORY UPTON
from the date of his entry into the Military Acad
emy at West Point, as a mere stripling, in 1856, to
the time of his death, in the full maturity of his
manhood, in 1881. His class was next to mine,
graduated less than a year afterward, and entered
the army at the outbreak of the great rebellion.
We served together during the Antietam campaign ;
then in Grant's memorable series of operations from
the Rapidan to Petersburg ; then with Sheridan in
the Valley of Virginia ; and, finally, in the cavalry
campaign from Waterloo through Alabama and
Georgia, ending in the last battles of the war and
the collapse of the Confederacy. From the close
associations of these nine years of youth and early
manhood, and especially of the last year of the re
bellion, during which Upton commanded a division
of cavalry under my immediate supervision, I came
to know him with that intimacy which is possible
only between soldiers. After the war our paths lay
apart, for, while I resumed my duties as an engineer
officer, and finally left the army altogether for the
purpose of building and operating railroads, Upton,
although urged to resign and engage in private

x Introduction.

business, on the theory that it was as meritorious
for a man of his parts to leave the army in times of
peace as to enter it in times of war, after mature
consideration declined, and determined to devote
himself for life to the military profession. He
realized that, while his campaigning days were
probably over, there was yet a brilliant career
open for him in the writing of tactics, the study of
the organization and administration of armies, and
in the evolution of an effective and economical
military policy for our Government. As shown by
the course of the narrative which follows, he
served after the close of the war successively on the
Plains ; as commandant of cadets at West Point ; on
a board of officers to assimilate the tactics of artil
lery, cavalry, and infantry ; as the head of a com
mission to visit Asia and Europe for the purpose of
inspecting and reporting upon the armies of those
countries ; as superintendent of theoretical instruc
tion in the Artillery School for Practice at Fortress
Monroe ; and, finally, in command of his regiment
in California. During the whole of this time we
corresponded with each other, and our friendly re
lations remained unbroken to the end.

The history of the events which occurred during
the War of the Rebellion is fast being written, and
is of great importance to the American people, but
it needs the element of personality to give it that
absorbing interest which is necessary to fix it in the
mind, and to impress its lessons upon the under
standing of coming generations. Fortunately for
the country, the pages of history can never be illu
minated by a more exemplary character or a more

Introduction. xi

spotless name than that of Upton. His life was
pure and unselfish in the highest degree, and yet it
was controlled by a patriotic and sleepless ambition,
accompanied by an ardent love for the profession
of arms, which, from their earliest dawn, filled him
with the resolve to acquire military fame. This
idea dominated him completely throughout his ca
reer, and when the rebellion broke out it found the
young soldier not only ready, but eager for the fray.
His loyalty to the Constitution and the Union was
unshakable ; it was bone of his bone and blood of
his blood. His courage and independence had al
ready been proved by sturdy resistance to the ar
rogance of his Southern classmates. He had at his
very advent at the Academy boldly announced that
he was an abolitionist, and in sympathy with what
ever tended to promote the freedom of the slaves.
He had been ostracized for his political opinions,
and had suffered in body and mind for his superior
ity to sectional influences. He had been forced to
fight because he would not bend before the bluster
ing bravado of the " fire-eaters," and had come off
victorious. He had grown in strength of intellect
as well as of body ; he had made his way from the
foot of his class, where the alphabetical arrange
ment had placed him, to the first section, where he
graduated. He entered the army with a strong,
healthy, robust constitution, full of energy and cour
age, and with a well-trained mind richly stored with
such knowledge as he could obtain from text-books,
and, what was more and quite unusual, he had
the faculty of turning this knowledge promptly
and efficiently to practical use in his profession.

xii Introduction.

This was one of his strongest points. He was
proud and honorable, and feared no man ; his love
of God was open and avowed ; his love of liberty
for all God's creatures amounted to a passion, and,
while his love for his chosen profession was deep-
seated and abiding, it found its justification to him
self in the opportunity it would give him, during the
trials which had come upon the nation, to render
good service to the cause of humanity and to that
of his country's unity. But aside from patriotism
on the one hand and religion on the other, he was a
genuine military enthusiast, whose thoughts night
and day turned to the art of war. No knight of old
was ever more absorbed in dreams of military glory,
nor more grimly determined to win it, as opportu
nity offered. He was tremendously in earnest, and
whatever his hand found to do, that he did with all
his might. Had Upton lived during the period of
any of the great European wars, he might still have
been a devout, God-fearing Christian, but he would
certainly have been a soldier, and with favoring
circumstances he would have been a great captain.
His ambition, subordinated and controlled as it was
by a character of extraordinary purity and strength,
was limited only by his sense of duty as a soldier
and as a patriot. Like the young eagle which had
not yet felt the strength of its pinions, there was no
flight within the range of his vision which he would
hesitate to essay. At the very outset of his career
this was plain to those who knew him well, and, long
before the war of the rebellion ended, it had come
to be understood by all that there was no enterprise
too perilous for Upton, if only he might hope to

Introduction. xiii

gain credit or promotion thereby. No proper un
derstanding can be had of Upton's character with
out giving full force and effect to this peculiarity.
He had as high a sense of duty as any man, and
would have cheerfully laid down his life and all its
anticipations of honor and fame in the performance
of any service for his country which its legally con
stituted authorities could have set for him, but
throughout his career he was constantly inspired
and cheered by the thought of " young ambition's
ladder," whereto he upward turned his face in order
that he might reach its topmost round. It must be
said, however, that as he rose from round to round
he neither turned his back upon the ladder, nor
scorned the degrees by which he did ascend. He
was modest at all times, constant, courageous, and
vigilant. He was loyal and obedient to his superiors
whoever they were, though his patience was more
than once severely tested by what seemed to him
indifference or incompetence on the part of those
above him. He did all in his power to improve the
discipline and to promote the subordination of the
army to those in authority over it. He had no dis
position to take part in cliques or cabals, but felt
that it was his duty to serve in silence wherever
he might be sent, and to be faithful over those
things which might be confided to his care.

With an ample education given him by his coun
try, inspired by the enthusiasm of youth, and guided
by the correct principles of manhood, Upton began
his public career fully equipped, and under the
most favorable auspices. He was not long in real
izing his ambitious dreams, for honorable mention

xiv Introduction.

and rapid promotion followed close upon his in
trepid deeds. As a regimental drill-master, and as
an aide-de-camp, battery commander, and chief of
artillery, he shared all the perils of the Army of the
Potomac in the earlier days of the war, gaining ex
perience and familiarity with military operations in
the field, and above all gaining confidence in him
self and his own military knowledge and capacity,
as compared with those of the officers with whom
he was thrown in contact. His voluminous corre
spondence with his family and friends gives abun
dant evidence of the readiness with which he ad
vanced from details to the higher considerations of
administration and command, and even to those of
strategy and military policy. He soon saw that,
having devoted five years to acquiring the edu
cation of a soldier, and having participated in
the first battle of Bull Run, and the subsequent
operations in Virginia, he knew just as much
about war as an art and science as the older
officers of the regular army, and a great deal
more than was possible for any officer of volunteers
fresh and green from civil life. This encouraged
him to believe that notwithstanding his youth — for
at the outbreak of hostilities he was only twenty-
two years old — and in spite of his lack of political
influence, he would surely gain rank if his life were
spared. This last consideration was of the first im
portance to him, as to all ambitious soldiers, for
the chances of death were very great in the war
then raging. Upton had early become convinced
that the first requisite to success in the profession
of arms was unflinching and unhesitating courage,

Introduction. xv

not only for its influence over his superiors, but
over those whom he had to lead, and yet observa
tion taught him that the most courageous were
frequently the first to fall. Fully appreciating all
the dangers of his calling, he never shirked one of
them, but boldly and resolutely met them wherever
and whenever duty seemed to require it of him.
He was neither rash nor foolhardy, and yet the
closest observer could find nothing in his conduct
under fire to criticise. His courage was both physi
cal and moral, and therefore of the highest type.
When he reported to me for assignment to the
command of a division of cavalry, he remarked
that he had no doubt of his professional capacity
to manage cavalry as well as either artillery or in
fantry, but he expressed considerable anxiety as to
his standing with his division until he should have
commanded it in action and shown both officers
and men that he was neither afraid nor lacking in
dash. He feared that the rigid discipline he would
exact and the constant instruction he would give
might for a while make him unpopular, but he felt
sure that he would remove all prejudice of that
sort at the first action in which he should lead his
division. The result was as he anticipated in every
respect, except as to his unpopularity. The divis
ion to which he was assigned was composed of
veterans, who saw from the start that his was a
master-hand. Both men and officers responded
promptly and cheerfully to every demand he made
upon them, and after the fights at Montevallo and
Plantersville, the assault upon Selma, and the capt
ure of Columbus, by a night attack of extraordi-

xvi Introduction.

nary brilliancy, their confidence in and admiration
for him were unbounded. They felt that under his
leadership they could go anywhere and do any
thing, while he told me that he had learned the
greatest lesson of his life, in reference to the rela
tive value of the three arms of service, and as to
the almost boundless capacity of mounted troops
when properly armed, organized, and commanded.
Immediately after the capture of Columbus, to
which I shall allude again, he declared that he
could traverse the Confederacy from end to end,
and from side to side, with his single division, carry
ing any kind of fortifications by assault with which
he might come in contact, and defying capture by
any kind or amount of force which might be sent
against him. This declaration was not that of a
braggart, but was the honest conclusion at which
he had arrived, after the closest observation and
reflection. In the hour of battle he was as intrepid
a man as ever drew a saber, and yet in battle, as
well as on the march or in camp, prudence and
judgment were his constant companions. He left
nothing to chance, and trusted nothing to mere
luck, but provided for everything, and as far as
possible foresaw everything. He knew that dis
cipline, order, and attention to the details of or
ganization, equipment, and supply, whether on the
march or in the camp, were essential to success
in a long-continued campaign, and would do more
than everything else toward making his command
invincible in action. He did not for a moment
commit the fault, so common to young cavalry-
commanders, of supposing that he could build up

Introduction. xvii

a solid reputation by courage and enterprise alone.
He saw that both men and horses required con
stant attention ; that celerity of movement, com
pactness of formation, and long-continued exertion,
were no less essential than courage in action, and
that no amount of the latter could compensate for
lack of condition on the part of either men or
horses, or their equipment. Hence, from the day
he took command of his division its improvement
in every respect was conspicuous, and, what is
more important, this improvement continued to
show itself throughout the campaign, which ended
at Augusta, Georgia. At that time the condition
of his division was all that could be desired, and it
may be doubted if it was in any respect surpassed
by that of any other cavalry division in the army,
although it had been under his command less than
three months.

But to return to the earlier days of Upton's
career. His experience in the command of a bat
tery of horse-artillery, at the siege of Yorktown,
the action at West Point, and at the battles of
Gaines's Mills and Glendale, and also in command
of a brigade of artillery in the Maryland campaign,
was of the most creditable character. It brought him
prominently into notice ; but, owing to the broken
and heavily wooded condition of most of the Vir
ginia battle-fields, and the consequent limitations
upon the use of artillery, he saw that that arm would
not afford him scope enough for his genius, and
that, the more useful he made himself in it, the
less chance would he have for service in the other
arms, or for promotion to the rank of a general

xviii Introduction.

officer. Consequently he spared no proper effort
to secure the command of a regiment of infantry,
and did not rest till he had got it. This gave him
a larger field for usefulness, together with an abun
dance of that kind of work which he coveted and
for which he was peculiarly fitted. His first care
was to secure the confidence of his regiment, and
this he did by showing it that he knew his business
in all its details, whether in camp, on the march, or
in battle. His constant effort was to keep it well
supplied, properly clad, and under perfect drill
and discipline, and so successful was he in all
this that he soon became noted throughout the
Army of the Potomac as a model colonel. He
was one of the few officers in service who prop
erly appreciated the value of an address to his men
before going into battle, and it was his custom
to encourage them in this way whenever occasion
offered.

It is not my purpose to follow him through the
details of his service as regimental commander, ex
tending from October 23, 1862, to July 4, 1863. This
has been done in the narrative which follows. The
command of a brigade came to him in due time, not
only by seniority as a colonel, but by the selection of
those in authority over him, and his conduct in the
still broader field which it opened was characterized
by the same fertility of resource, untiring zeal, and
attention to details that had hitherto distinguished
him. No duty was omitted. Drill, discipline, and
order were exacted from all, and supervised by
him in all the regiments under his command. Tac
tics and formations for battle were most carefully

Introduction. xix

studied, and nothing was left to chance. Every
order was executed by him with the greatest possi
ble precision, and when left to himself he provided
for every contingency, including that of success
as well as that of failure. As a consequence, it
soon came to be understood that Upton's brigade
must lead all attacks and assaults made within
his reach, and, what was of still greater credit to
him, he rarely failed to carry the enemy's position,
whether fortified or not. This was not mere chance,
nor was it altogether the result of intrepidity and
clash. He showed those qualities in the highest
degree, but he showed prudent foresight and good
judgment, combined with careful preparation for
every step of the undertaking assigned to him, in a
still higher degree. In view of the splendid fighting
qualities of the rebel Army of Northern Virginia,
and of the great vigilance and abilities displayed
by Lee and his subordinate commanders of every
grade, and considering the extraordinary mortality
that always attended an engagement with them, it
may well be doubted if the metal of any soldier of
modern times was ever more severely tested than
was Upton's during his two years' service in the
Army of the Potomac, and especially at Salem
Heights, Rappahannock Station, in the Wilderness,
or while leading the assaulting column of twelve
regiments of the Sixth Corps which carried the
Angle of the enemy's intrenchments at Spottsyl-
vania. The abilities displayed by him on this occa
sion were of the highest character, and secured for
him not only the praises of the whole army, but
the long-coveted and amply earned reward of a

xx Introduction.

commission as brigadier-general of volunteers, and
also as brevet lieutenant-colonel in the regular army.
But neither the hard work nor the hard knocks
were over yet. He displayed the same high quali
ties in all the movements, marches, and battles which
characterized that remarkable campaign, including
the bloody actions of Cold Harbor and the siege
and assaults of the rebel works about Petersburg.
His conduct throughout these trying times was
absolutely faultless ; while his cheerful and un
shaken confidence in the ultimate success of our
arms had a great influence on those about him, and
was worthy of all praise. He was prompt and
obedient at all times and in all situations, and his
alacrity was surpassed only by the resolution and
the steadiness which he displayed in the desperate
and almost constant fighting in which the army was
engaged for nearly a year after Grant took com
mand. He gave loyal and unquestioning support
to his superior officers, and especially to those who
were in chief command ; but it must not be sup
posed that he was a mere machine soldier, or that
he gave his approval to their plans as he gave
obedience to their orders. He studiously and care
fully refrained from public criticism, but he was too
good an officer and too close a student of the art
of Avar to blindly shut his eyes to the faults which
were committed about him. The fact is, that he
saw much to condemn in the daily operations of the
army, and the reader will not fail to note that his
active mind poured itself out in criticism in his let
ters to his sister. It was to her that he expressed his
disappointment at the long delay of his promotion

Introduction. xxi

to the rank of brigadier-general after he had earned
it over and over again ; it was to her that he wrote
during the overland campaign : " Our men have in
many instances been foolishly and wantonly sacri
ficed. Assault after assault has been ordered upon
the enemy's intrenchments when [the general order
ing it] knew nothing about the strength or position
of the enemy. Thousands of lives might have been
spared by the exercise of a little skill ; but as it is,
the courage of the poor men is expected to obviate
all difficulties. I must confess that, so long as I see
such incompetency, there is no grade in the army
to which I do not aspire." It was also to her he
wrote : " We are now at Cold Harbor, where we
have been since June ist. On that day we had a
murderous engagement. I say murdero2is, because
we were recklessly ordered to assault the enemy's
intrenchments " ; and again : " I am very sorry to
say I have seen but little generalship during the
campaign. Some of our corps commanders are not
fit to be corporals. Lazy and incompetent, they
will not even ride along their lines ; yet without
hesitancy they will order us to attack the enemy, no
matter what their position or what their numbers.
Twenty thousand of our killed and wounded should
to-day be in our ranks." But it will not escape the
reader's attention that Upton's mind was not content
at this period to confine itself to the mere condem
nation of details. It was incessantly occupied in
trying to work out correct solutions for all the mili
tary problems then engaging the army's attention ;
and while subsequent events did not justify all his
suggestions or criticisms, the careful student of

xxii Introduction.

the war will be struck by the extraordinary grasp
and ability displayed in the arguments and con
clusions which he so patiently recounted, perhaps
for his own improvement as much as for the
information and instruction of his sister. Nor
will the reader fail to note that as early as
June 5, 1864, when Upton was not yet twenty-
five years of age, he had not only detected and
pointed out the crude methods and incompetency
which were so prevalent, but had frankly, and
with pardonable ambition, declared that there
was no grade in the army to which he did riot
aspire.

When Lee detached Early to threaten Washing
ton and harry the Maryland border, it was Upton's
good fortune to be sent in the same direction with
the Sixth Corps, to which his brigade was attached.
He took part in all the operations for the relief and
defense of the capital, and finally participated in
the battle of the Opequan and the capture of Win
chester, in which Early 's army was completely
routed. It was Upton's brigade which first de
ployed on the plateau beyond the Opequan after its
capture by the cavalry. It was his brigade and the
cavalry division which covered the debouchcmcnt of
the Sixth Corps from the defile through which it
was compelled to advance, and held the field till it
and the rest of the army could deploy and form for
the attack. It was his brigade which, by a change
of front to the right, arrested the flight of a part of
the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps, and, taking the
enemy in flank, drove them back in confusion. It
was also his brigade which, in the final rush of

Introduction. xxiii

both infantry and cavalry, pierced the enemy's left
center, and made the victory both certain and
complete. It was in this charge that the heroic
General David A. Russell, commanding the divis
ion, was mortally wounded. He was promptly suc
ceeded by Upton, who pressed the division for
ward with conspicuous ability and energy. In the
full tide of success the gallant young commander
was severely wounded on the inside of the right
thigh by a fragment of a bursting shell. The mus
cle was frightfully lacerated and the femoral artery
laid bare, but, instead of retiring, as he was fully
justified in doing, and indeed as he was ordered to
do by General Sheridan in person, he called his
staff-surgeon and directed him to stanch the bleed
ing wound by a tourniquet. As soon as this was
done, he called for a stretcher, and had himself borne
about the field thereon, still directing the move
ments of his victorious division, and did not leave it
or give up the command till night had put an end to
the pursuit. The fortitude displayed by him upon
this occasion was heroic in the extreme, and marked
him as a man of extraordinary nerve. It was in
notable contrast with what had come to be custom
ary on such occasions. So bloody had been the
Richmond campaign under Grant, that both officers
and men counted themselves fortunate when they
received a slight wound, which might be honorably
availed of as an excuse for leaving the field, and
thus escaping the peril of a mortal one. I knew a
corps commander of the Army of the Potomac, in
the earlier days of the war, famed for his fighting
qualities, who retired from battle because of a

xxiv Introduction.

trifling flesh-wound under the arch of the right
foot, and who peremptorily refused to return to
the line, although he was urged to do so, if need
be, in an ambulance or on a stretcher, in order that
his corps might be rallied around him, and pos
sibly avert a great disaster, if it did not win a great
victory. Few men have had such an opportunity
for fame. Had it fallen to Upton's lot, can any
one doubt that he would have availed himself of
it, even if his foot had been taken off, instead of
being so slightly wounded that he could have
walked upon it, as did the corps commander in
less than six days ? Fortitude on the part of a gen
eral upon such occasions is the greatest of mili
tary virtues. It inflames the soldiers with enthu
siasm, and inspires them with courage as nothing
else can.

This battle, which had won for Upton the com
mand of a division, closed his career as a leader of
infantry in the Union army. His wound was so se
vere that he was entirely disabled by it till the mid
dle of December following. Meanwhile I had been
assigned to the task of reorganizing and command
ing the Western cavalry, and had been promised
the assistance of a few good officers from the Army
of the Potomac. I had asked for Upton at the head
of the list, and as soon as he was able to travel
he joined me in midwinter at Gravelly Springs,
Alabama, after the close of the Hood campaign.
His wound was not yet entirely healed, but he
at once assembled his division and set about
its instruction with all his accustomed industry
and enthusiasm. I have alluded to the misgiv-

Introduction. xxv

ings which troubled him at the beginning of his
career as a cavalry -commander, and have re
lated how he gained the confidence of his division
by his untiring devotion to their wants in camp
and on the march, no less than by his conspicuous
gallantry and generalship in action. The skill dis
played by him in the capture of the fortifications
covering Columbus by a night attack, which also
resulted in the capture of nearly all the rebel troops
defending them, as well as the bridges across the
Chattahoochee River, thus securing for the cavalry
corps a safe passage of that river into the city, and
opening the way for the speedy conquest of the en
tire State of Georgia, has already been adverted to.
This occurred on the i6th of April, 1865, and was
the last considerable action of the war. It has been
described by competent military critics as one of
the most remarkable exploits in the history of mod
ern cavalry. Although Upton participated in all
the after-operations consequent upon the collapse
of the Confederacy, including those for the capture
of Jefferson Davis and the lesser rebel chiefs, as
well as in the dispositions for disbanding the na
tional army, and acquitted himself with his usual
skill and ability, it may be said that the capture of
Columbus closed his brilliant career as a cavalry-
officer. His service in Tennessee and Kentucky and
upon the Plains followed soon after, and was in turn
followed by his marriage, the preparation of the in
fantry tactics, and the assimilation of the cavalry
and artillery tactics thereto. This was the begin
ning of his life as a student of the art of war in its
higher branches. His instruction at West Point,

xxvi Introduction.

and his practical experience in all the arms of ser
vice for the four years of the great rebellion, had
taught him all that any one could learn of a soldier's
practical duties in the field. After completing his
tour as commandant of cadets at West Point, and as
instructor of artillery, infantry, and cavalry tactics,
he was, as before indicated, sent by the Government
through Asia and Europe to study the organization,
equipment, and administration of armies. Upon his
return from this tour he was assigned to duty at
the Artillery School of Practice as instructor of the
art of war, and, while thus engaged, prepared and
published the report of his observations in Europe,
and began his work on the " Military Policy of the
United States." During the preparation of this
work he analyzed critically all the records of the
Government in relation to the wars in which it had
been engaged, from the beginning of the Revolution
to the end of the rebellion of the slave States. The
story of all this is clearly and fully set forth in the
following pages, made up principally of Upton's
own letters, written with the utmost freedom and
unconsciousness, and, as their context shows, with
out the slightest expectation on his part that they
would ever be collected or printed. They exhibit
his character in all the stages of its moral and intel
lectual evolution more completely than it would be
possible for any amount of description on the part
of others to delineate it. And so it only remains for
me to say, in conclusion, as I have constantly main
tained since the close of the war, that at that time
Upton was as good an artillery-officer as could be
found in any country, the equal of any cavalry-corn-

Introduction. xxvii

mander of his day, and, all things considered, was
the best commander of a division of infantry in
either the Union or the rebel army. He was the
equal of Custer or Kilpatrick in dash and enter
prise, and vastly the superior of either in discipline
and administration, whether on the march or in the
camp. He was incontestably the best tactician of
either army, and this is true whether tested by bat
tle or by the evolutions of the drill-field and pa
rade. In view of his success in all arms of the serv
ice, it is not too much to add that he could scarce
ly have failed as a corps or an army commander had
it been his good fortune to be called to such rank.
And nothing is more certain than that he would
have had a corps of cavalry had the war lasted
sixty days longer, or that, with the continuation of
the struggle, he would have been in due time put
at the head of an army. No one can read the story
of his brilliant career without concluding that he
had a real genius for war, together with all the the
oretical and practical knowledge which any one
could acquire in regard to it. He was the equal, if
not the superior, of Hoche, Desaix, or Skobeleff, in
all the military accomplishments and virtues, and
up to the time when he was disabled by the disease
which caused his death he was, all things consid
ered, the most accomplished soldier in our service.
His life was pure and upright, his bearing chiv-
alric and commanding, his conduct modest and
unassuming, and his character absolutely without
blemish. History can not furnish a brighter ex
ample of unselfish patriotism, or of ambition un
sullied by an ignoble thought or an unworthy deed.

xxviii Introduction.

He was a credit to the State and family, which
gave him his birth, to the Military Academy which
educated him, and to the army in which he served.
So long as the Union has such soldiers as he to
defend it, it will be perpetual.

JAMES HARRISON WILSON.
WILMINGTON, DEL., May 2, 1885.

EMORY UPTON.

CHAPTER I.

BOYHOOD.

EMORY UPTON was the tenth child and sixth son
of Daniel and Electa Upton, and was born on the
27th of August, 1839, in Batavia, Genesee County,
New York. He was a direct descendant of John
Upton, a Scotchman, the founder of the families of
that name in this country.

John Upton came to America about the year
1650, and settled in Danvers, Massachusetts, then
called Salem village, where his son William was
born in 1663, and his grandson William in 1703.
The son and grandson of the latter, both also bear
ing the name of William, were born in North Read
ing, in 1729 and 1759 respectively. The latter, re
moving to Dublin, New Hampshire, married Mary
Morse, and the second son by this marriage was
born in Dublin in 1796, and is the father of Emory,
the subject of this sketch.

On his mother's side, he was descended from
Stephen Randall, a native of New Hampshire.
Born in Nottingham in 1782, he married Rachel
Fifield, in Danville, Vermont, in 1799. On the 2<^

011.

of February, 1815, after a severe wintry journey of
three weeks, Mr. Randall, with his family, consist
ing of his wife and nine children, reached the site of
a farm which he had selected in the then unbroken
wilderness, near Stafford, Genesee County, New
York, and, within twenty-four hours after their ar
rival, they were under their own shelter. With
characteristic industry and prudence they not only
reared a family of fourteen children, but acquired
a competency, which was ever dispensed with such
generosity as to make this home known far and
wide as a center of hospitality.

Daniel Upton, the father of Emory, removing to
New York, purchased a farm in Batavia, Genesee
County, then a tract of native woods, and felled
the first tree for the improvement of his homestead.
On September 30, 1821, he married Electa Ran
dall, and the young couple immediately began their
married life in a log-cabin.

Members of the Methodist Protestant Church,
the parents of Upton have been zealous Christians,
whose lives have been consistent with their public
professions of faith. Earnest believers in temper
ance, and stanch advocates of unfettered freedom,
holding slavery to be a moral wrong, Mr. Upton
never hesitated, either by word or vote, to plant
himself squarely and unmistakably on the side of
what he held to be right on these questions. He
perceived the great value of education, and gave
his children every advantage that was possible in
his circumstances.

Mrs. Upton inherited a rare executive ability,
sweetened by a cheerful disposition and sustained

Boyhood. 3

by a hopeful perseverance. A loving wife, she be
came the honored mother of thirteen children. Her
life, necessarily a continual sacrifice, has been to her,
nevertheless, full of recompense and of peace and
joy. To his mother, with her abnegation of self,
her untiring industry, her hopeful encouragement
in the face of trials and disappointments, her tender
hearted solicitude and watchful care in the gradual
unfolding of physical and mental characteristics,
Emory Upton early gave testimony as the true
source of all his success and honor in life. The
name of mother was ever the tenderest and gentlest
of words to him, for it awakened the memory of a
pure and boundless love which had never failed him.

Emory Upton spent his early years upon a farm,
acquiring health and strength in bodily develop
ment and the Christian influences of a pious home
for the support and direction of his intellectual life.

The educational advantages enjoyed by him
were such as were common to the neighborhood,
supplemented by the instruction received from his
elder brothers and sisters. As he approached his
fifteenth year, however, his growing ambition urged
him to seek the advantage of a term in college, and,
with the assistance and assent of his parents, he
spent the winter of 1854-' 5 5 at Oberlin College, in
Ohio.

It appears, from the recollections of an intimate
friend and schoolmate, that he had, at even that
early day, a strong wish to enter the Military
Academy at West Point, which colored his youthful
life, and in some measure controlled his thoughts
and actions. He was indebted to his brother

4 Emory Upton.

James for this idea, which was speedily developed
into an ardent desire for a military career by read
ing the life of Napoleon.

Young as he was at his first separation from
home, he possessed a strong character and an inde
pendent spirit, as is clearly shown in the following
narrative of a friend * who was his close compan
ion while a student at Oberlin :

" . . . Whatever means he might be able to se
cure from home at this time, toward paying his
board and tuition bills, he took a pride in not de
pending on it, or in calling upon home for money.
He worked as many hours each day as I did. Our
work was chiefly about the planing-mill and sash-
factory of Mr. S. Ellis. We were paid eight cents
an hour, and our work consisted for the most part
in attending to the drying-kiln, filling it and empty
ing it, in which the poplar lumber was prepared for
use in the factory. Besides this, we did any work
that we could do within the hours we had allowed
for that purpose. We fully agreed that no one
should be ashamed of doing what ought to be
done. The hours that other boys of our age spent
in recreation, we spent in hard work. We scarcely
took an hour's recreation in the week excepting on
Sundays, when we went into the deep woods, at
that time quite plenty about Oberlin, and even
then we combined business with pleasure, for in
the depths of the forest we read our essays to each
other, or declaimed the pieces for the coming rhe
torical exercises of the week. At that time, even,
Emory could write well (not chirographically by

* Now Rev. Father O'Reilly.

Boyhood. 5

any means), but his oratorical powers were defect
ive. However, he used to console himself by say
ing that a soldier did not need to be an orator, for
that, if he ever had to speak, it would be to his men
in the face of the enemy, and on such occasions an
oration must be necessarily short, and he thought
he would be able for that.

" He had no taste for useless ornament in his
writings, and never allowed himself to seek for fre
quent adjectives and high-sounding words, as young
writers are wont to do ; for if he were told, * That
sentence sounds poetical,' he would quietly change
it to a more prosy form.

" He had no love for poets or musicians in those
days. His ambition was to secure the solid basis
of a practical education.

" His personal appearance at that time was very
different from his appearance the last time I saw
him. He was thin and wiry, quite freckled, his
hair standing nearly straight ; always in a hurry ;
spoke like lightning ; very quick of perception, for
he often cut a person off in the middle of a remark
with his own reply, which was always to the point.
. . . After our work, which was over at four o'clock
in the afternoon, we went to study. We never stud
ied the same lesson together, unless we were pushed
for time, but, whenever we could, we always re
viewed our lessons together just before going to
class.

" He never slept on a pillow ; he made his side
of the bed perfectly level, and used it in this way.
He was afraid of becoming round-shouldered. He
would not crack a nut with his teeth, or use any-

6 Emory Upton.

thing that he thought might injure them, as, he
said, to have good teeth was a condition to enter
West Point. We never took any part in the foolish
freaks of the boys, and yet we had plenty of com
pany in our room, and always stood good friends
with our comrades.

" The great abolition movement, the under
ground railroad, bleeding Kansas, and all the
* isms' of that nature, were alive about this time.
Emory never took any part in these demonstra
tions, nor spent time to hear the lectures and
speeches on these subjects except, perhaps, ' Old
John Brown/ and of him he did not think much.
He was strongly opposed to slavery, yet he never
engaged in talking about it as other young men
did. More than once, on returning from rhetorical
exercises, he would say : ' I am sick of such stuff.
Let those fellows learn their lessons now while at
school, and by-and-by, if they have any brains, they
may be able to do some good.'

" We joined a literary society, but, on becoming
members, we found it inclined to be an infidel affair,
and at once left it. I never knew Emory Upton to
use profane language, or speak with the least disre-
pect of religion, its ministers, or members as such.
The only useless phrase he used was ' confound it.'
This served all occasions. I never knew him to
speak with the least levity of a woman, nor take
any pleasure in jests or stories that inclined to any
thing disrespectful of the sex.

" Very naturally we often talked about what we
should each try to be. To me it seemed almost
impossible to reach my object. He had strong

Boyhood. 7

hopes of entering West Point, and kept that in
view all the time. He frequently built large castles
in the air, and, strange to say, the reality of his suc
cess as a military man surpassed in brilliancy the
imagination of his youth.

" I have said that he was strongly opposed to
Southern slavery. No one could be more so. At
this time no one could anticipate the terrible war
of the rebellion but as a possibility. He again and
again felt sure that war would come. He said that
he would be just ready for it. While I had no sym
pathy with slavery, I was not as decided an aboli
tionist as he was. So, on one occasion of a talk of the
above nature, we agreed that, if he should be a gen
eral before he was forty-five years of age, and slavery
abolished, I should present him with a splendid re
volver, with something engraved on it to indicate
the occasion and the reason why it was given. If
he were not a general at that age, he should give me
books to suit me, of a corresponding value. This was
to be the mark or test, should we live, that as boys
we could see something of the great coming events."

It so happened that at this time Judge Benjamin
Pringle represented in Congress the New York dis
trict in which young Upton resided, and to him
the youth owed the possession of what he so much
coveted. In transmitting the letter of appointment
from the Secretary of War to Upton, Judge Pringle
thus advised him :

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 12, 1856.

DEAR SIR : I have the pleasure of indorsing a
notice signed by the Secretary of War, informing

8 Emory Upton.

you that the President has conditionally appointed
you a cadet in the military service of the United
States. I selected you for the place because, from
representations made by your friends concerning
you, and from my slight acquaintance with you, I
believed that you possessed sufficient talent and
ability, honesty and integrity, industry, energy, and
perseverance to enable you to pass the ordeal at
West Point creditably. Should you fail, it will be
mortifying to me and to your other friends, but I
trust there will be no failure. You will enter the
academy under favorable circumstances, and you
must make every reasonable effort to attain and
maintain a high standing in your class, and if pos
sible carry off the first honors. You can hardly
imagine the interest that I feel and shall continue to
feel for your success. By doing well for yourself,
you will honor me. The place to which you are
appointed has been sought by many and supported
by influential friends, but I thought best to choose
you, and you must prove to the world that I have
made a good choice.

The first step toward the realization of his am
bition had been taken, and, intermingled with the
great happiness that almost overwhelmed the young
appointee, there was an ever-present determination,
stronger even than his joy, that nothing should be
left undone on his part to show to Judge Pringle
that he would prove worthy of his favor. Never
in his after honorable career did he forget the debt
he owed the judge, and in his times of marked suc
cess he constantly reiterated, " I owe all to Judge

Boyhood. 9

Pringle." Loyalty and gratitude were henceforth
prominent among his other good qualities. Every
spare hour (and he ordinarily rose those wintry
mornings before five o'clock), after the reception of
the above letter, was devoted to his studies, that he
might not fail on his entrance examination, and with
such success that, on the ist of July, 1856, he was
admitted a conditional cadet into the Military Acad
emy at West Point.

In considering the influences that so far had
molded this as yet uneventful life, there are some
traits that may be specially designated. As a boy
he was conscientious, for he did his duty willingly,
cheerfully, and thoroughly before he sought the
pleasures of play and recreation ; he was pure in
heart, clean of speech, and took no delight in coarse
jests or idle words ; and, above all, he was greatly
in earnest in whatever he undertook, and thus he
accomplished more than he had hoped.

CHAPTER II.

CADET-LIFE AT WEST POINT.

UPTON reported at West Point on the 3d of
June, 1856, and it was soon evident that he came
with a firm determination to meet manfully all dif
ficulties, and to " become a general before he was
forty-five years of age."

By the 2oth of June there were gathered to
gether from all sections of the country about one
hundred young men on the same errand, selected,
for one reason or another, by their respective Con
gressmen as fit to enter upon military life. It is an
instructive sight, and one calculated to give rise to
many emotions, to look upon the earnest counte
nances of these youths. For the time being they
may be taken as the truest outcome of our people,
representing, in their undeveloped powers, the im
mediate future generation of our country, as the
members of Congress represent the present. The
dress, appearance, stature, dialect, culture, and ma
terial condition of the various sections of the coun
try, are here well exhibited, not as the best but
rather as the average. But, after the young men
have passed through their elementary drill, and are
uniformed, the barriers due to differences of pre
vious condition are soon broken down, and those

Cadet-Life at West Point. n

elements of humanity that unite us to our friends
and associates prove stronger than the accidents of
birth, or the influences of wealth or station. Like
seek like : the manly and generous join in comrade
ship ; the weak and trifling are mingled but not
united ; the vicious seek strength in union, and so
the several strata are arranged. The strongest as
sociations are at first those of classmates, but in later
years these include members of other classes. The
deprivations, hardships, and sacrifices of the mili
tary service cement these friendly associations in
after-life into the love and affection of a great broth
erhood.

Upton was exceptionally well-equipped for the
new life upon which he was now about to enter.
With high principles, and the courage to defend
them when the occasion was pressing, he possessed
the modest demeanor of true worth. At first, he
suffered under the imputation of a lack of courage
from his quiet and unassuming behavior ; in the
end, his comrades discovered that they had mis
taken his character. None suspected, underneath
the modest bearing, the existence of the high pur
pose to which he had devoted his whole heart.
He perfectly understood that before he could re
ceive the diploma of the institution, and his com
mission as an officer of the army, work would have
to be done, so great in its importance to him that,
to accomplish it well, he would need the steadiest
application of his time, the severest study, and the
concentration of all his physical and mental powers.
It is also worthy of note that he — a youth of sixteen
— clearly foresaw the danger which threatened the

12 Emory Upton.

Union, and actively sought to fit himself most thor
oughly to aid in its preservation.

Making due allowances for the impetuosity of
youth, the following extracts from his letters to his
sister Maria give a reasonably true exhibit of the
influence of West Point training in the formation of
our embryo soldier ; and, in passing, we must not
fail to estimate at its true value the effect of this
sister's love, which, alive to his needs, cultivated
with its womanly power the nobler qualities of her
brother, and with its clear intuition guided and
directed him in his new career. Let these letters,
then, written in the freshness of youth and with the
generous confidence of boyhood, tell the story of
his cadet-life :

February 25, 1857.

DEAR SISTER : . . . I am glad to hear of your
good health and assiduity to study, and that you
are exerting every faculty in the laudable pursuit
of education. I am striving equally hard for the
same. I am sure that few have the facilities offered
for getting an education which I have, and not to
take advantage of these privileges is inconsistent.
I study from 6 to 7 A. M., and from 8 A. M. to i P. M.,
including recitations ; then from 2 to 4 P. M. I read
newspapers and write letters ; from 4 p. M. till sun
down is release from quarters, which I usually spend
in the library reading, and then study from 7 to 9.30
p. M. ; so that you see my time is pretty well occu
pied. Perhaps a few of my daily marks would give
you an idea of my progress. ... So long as I can
keep up to these marks I am not in danger of being
found deficient. ... I am passionately attached to

Cadet-Life at West Point. 13

West Point, and would not give up my appoint
ment here for a million dollars. I want you to
come here next encampment and see the beautiful
scenery that I have often tried to describe.

WEST POINT, April 12, 1857.

MY DEAR SISTER: ... In your last letter you
asked if I sincerely believed in a God. I can say
yes. I also believe in the religion inculcated by the
ministers of God. . . . Few men now disbelieve re
ligion, and those are mostly ignorant men. Vol
taire, the greatest modern infidel, shrank from
death ; and why ? Because of his unbelief. He
was afraid to enter eternity. I hope that you will
never desert the good cause you have espoused,
and that you will do much good in your life. As
for myself, I take the Bible as the standard of mo
rality, and try to read two chapters in it daily.

WEST POINT, September 7, 1857.

MY DEAR SISTER: ... In your letter you al
lude to my demerit. I must say that it gave me the
bluest kind of blues ; not because it made me have
any apprehension of being " found," but because
you look upon them in a wrong light. Now, I'll
disabuse you of this error. You use the term " bad
marks." Bad signifies to you, evil, wrong, immoral,
and wicked, which placed before marks signifies
that I have been doing something wrong or im
moral — something which conscience disapproves.
That is wrong, not only in the sight of a military
man, but of God. Now, what moral wrong is there
in " laughing in ranks," in being " late at roll-call,"

14 Emory Upton.

" not stepping off at command," " not having coat
buttoned throughout," and kindred reports ? Now,
is that wrong in the sight of God ? I say, no ! But
it is wrong only in the sight of a military man, and
it is from such reports that I get my demerits or
" bad marks." I can say I have never received an
immoral report, such as " using profane language."
I thank you for the kind admonition, and to please
you I will try to get as few as possible. I have only
one so far this month, and if I get no more that will
come off. I certainly shall be careful enough to
prevent being cut a single day on furlough.

WEST POINT, February 13, 1858.

DEAR SISTER : . . . I received a letter from Sis
ter L , in which she says that she and S —

have experienced religion. I hope they may have
the strength to defend and exemplify it throughout
their whole lives, I also hope they have attained it
through a firm conviction of its being right, and
that the irresistible current of a protracted meeting
did not hasten them to take such an important step.
Do not infer from this that I am opposed to such
meetings, for I am not ; on the contrary, I think they
cause two thirds of the true conversions, but you
know that young and inconsiderate persons often
catch the enthusiasm of an excited minister, and be
lieve they have found religion ; but, as soon as the
meetings cease, their enthusiasm subsides, from the
want of thorough conviction, and they necessarily
revert to their primitive state. My reason for not
seeking religion can only be ascribed to a queer
kind of apathy.

Cadet-Life at West Point. 15

WEST POINT, February 9, 1859.

MY DEAR SISTER: . . . The perusal of your
last letter gave me great pain, yet I am glad you
gave me so clear an insight into brother Le Roy's
disease. I have but little hope of his recovery, and
I only ask that he may be prepared for his last great
change. Oh, that I could by look, word, or deed,
ease his condition, but I can only think of and pity
him ! My last thoughts at night and my first wak
ing thoughts are of him. How I wish I was at
home, to watch by him and contribute my mite to
ward comforting him ! May he not delay in mak
ing his peace with God ! How thankful I am for
such parents as we have ! Their sacred influence is
ever about us, shielding us from temptation, and
teaching us the true object of life. If Le Roy can
not get well, I wish to be sent for ; I can not part
with him forever without a last farewell.

WEST POINT, March 26, 1859.

DEAR SISTER: . . . Dear Le Roy's request to
me shall not be unheeded. I have resolved, yes,
begun to seek the Lord, and shall continue till I find
him. " He is slow to anger and of great kindness."
Relying on the promise that " whosoever will seek
mercy shall obtain it," I will leave no effort untried,
but will work diligently to the end. . . .

WEST POINT, Aptil 23, 1859.

DEAR SISTER: . . . You have doubtless heard
that I have put my trust in the " Friend that sticketh
closer than a brother." Such is my hope. Life is
but an instant as compared with eternity, and, when

1 6 Emory Upton.

we reflect that our future condition depends upon
our actions here in this world, it is but reasonable
that we should bow before the Creator, to acknowl
edge his supremacy and ask his forgiveness for
our manifold violations of his law. I feel that I
could resign everything to do his will and to gain
his approbation. To-day being Easter, the Lord's
Supper will be celebrated. I intend to partake of it
willingly, and hope that I may be strengthened in
my resolutions to serve him faithfully to the end.
The army is a hard place to practice religion ;
though few scoff at it, yet a great majority totally
disregard it. Still, through the prayers of others I
hope to lead a Christian life, and to do as much
good in the army as in any other profession. I do
not think that Christians have ever disgraced the
profession of arms ; on the contrary, they are those
who have, most ennobled it.

WEST POINT, May i, 1859.

DEAR COUSIN E : I have heard that you

have experienced a change of heart, and that you
propose to live hereafter a Christian life. This gives
me great joy. I, too, have given myself up to God.
Being, therefore, new laborers in the vineyard of
the Lord, I thought that a correspondence might
mutually benefit and strengthen us in the determi
nation we have made. I do sincerely hope that you
have " offered yourself as a sacrifice, holy and ac
ceptable before the Lord," and have a hope of im
mortality. What a blessed thought! Is it not a
sufficient inducement to remain faithful to the end ?
Yes ! what is the length of life, compared with nev-

Cadet- Life at West Point. 17

er-ending eternity ? Infinitely small. Yet our ac
tions during this instant are to determine our future
condition throughout eternity. Let us strive to
show ourselves worthy of the kingdom of heaven.
Let us be true to the trust confided in us. We
must necessarily encounter difficulties. We may
have to bear the scoffs of the world, but we should
recollect that the Son of God not only had to bear
this, but he was crucified, and his blood was shed
for us. Doubts may arise in our minds ; but we
must remember that we are finite beings, and God
is infinite. How, therefore, can we expect to com
prehend the ways of an Infinite Being? Let us
drop these doubts whenever they arise, and hope
and trust in God, " who is just and merciful, slow
to anger, and of great kindness." The more diffi
culties we triumph over, the greater will be our
reward. Let us not, therefore, be discouraged or
disheartened, but may we grow in the knowledge
and love of God, that we may finally be accounted
worthy of a seat at his right hand.

WEST POINT, 'January 6, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER : Another year has joined the
past, and 1860, bright with promises, has dawned
upon us. " We know not what a day may bring
forth." 1860 may be as indelibly stamped upon our
memories as 1859 or ^56, when our loved ones
were summoned from earth. As we look over our
diminished numbers, we ask who is to go next. The
one most robust in health may be the first to suc
cumb to disease. Let us thank God for his good
ness and mercy, for we feel that he has called them

1 8 Emory Upton.

unto his glory. We should be more watchful, more
diligent in our services to God than we have been.
Let our united prayers ascend to God that he may
hasten the conversion of those of our family who
still delay.

WEST POINT, Januarys, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER : . . . The nature of your letter
shows conclusively your deep interest in my wel
fare. Your letter did me much good. In order to
answer its questions, I had to examine myself to as
certain what motives actuate me. I can not be too
thankful for having been reared under Christian in
fluences, for especially at this time do I need the
assistance of God to keep me in the path of recti
tude. We are living in perilous times. Govern
ment, society, everything seem to be on the verge
of revolution. The passions of the people are be
ing waked up, and they must have vent. God is
directing the storm, and all is for the best. We
may ask, How have we incurred his displeasure?
The answer is easy. Mormonism, spiritualism, in
temperance, slavery, corruption in politics, either
of which is almost sufficient to curse a people.
Few there are who have not bowed the knee to
Baal. We must have reform. We must return
to reason and virtue. Why should we expect tol
erance when God suffered such calamities to be
fall his own chosen people? He scourged them
with war, and he will punish us likewise. If we
are to have war, I shall have no conscientious scru
ples as to engaging in it, for I believe I shall be
on the side of right. I am ambitious ; but I shall
strive to limit it to doing good. It will profit a

Cadet-Life at West Point. 19

man nothing to gain the whole world and lose his
own soul. Since I first began to call upon God, I
have daily asked his assistance and direction, and I
feel that he is nearer me now than ever before. You
know not to what temptations we are exposed here,
yet he has not allowed me to be tempted further
than I could bear. Whenever lethargy, indiffer
ence, or skepticism has crept over me, the remem
brance that our sister and brother died happy,
trusting in God, has been an incentive to renewed
effort to continue faithful to the end. I shall trust
in God. If he intends me to occupy a high position,
he will raise me to it ; if not, I shall be happy in
having done my duty and in meeting his approval.
There will be no limit to the opportunities of doing
good in the army. There will be wounded soldiers
to minister to, and the dying to comfort. Surely I
can do good. These remarks may be premature ;
but the conviction strengthens that we must have
war. I thank God that none of my relatives will
feel its horrors ; but I pity those where the conflict
must occur.

From the perusal of these letters we see that the
loss of a beloved younger brother directed Upton's
thoughts toward the future life. And, while his
sister's letters kept him fully informed of the inci
dents of home-life, they also encouraged the grow
ing interest in his soul's welfare.

He had passed through the troubles of his first
encampment, had learned to yield unquestioned
obedience to his superior officers, had mastered all
the studies preceding those of the professional year,

2O Emory Upton.

and had measured himself with his comrades in the
soldierly and intellectual race. As he had risen
gradually in class-standing through his own merits,
there became established in his mind a confidence
in his own powers that removed from him any fear
of ultimate failure. The regular habits enforced
by the discipline of the academy had put his bodily
.functions in systematic working order and given
him perfect health. His religious feelings were
not, therefore, tinctured with the morbid fancies
arising from ill-health in body or mind, but were
really the awakenings of his moral manhood to the
necessity of a dependence upon his heavenly Father.
These religious seeds, first planted by his parents,
and nurtured by his sister, took firm root in his
nature, and afterward developed into a healthy
growth, commensurate with the necessities of his
after-life.

He had escaped the dangers of that period of
his youth when the rational faculties are first
strongly developed and often run in wanton riot,
their whole effect being too often to submerge the
intellect in the bogs and quicksands of material
ism. Ever after, Upton was a deeply religious
man in principle, in thought, and in action, and the
evidences of this fact are readily traced through
out his subsequent career in all his words and
deeds.

His cadet comrades knew him to be a member
of the church, of the Bible-class, and prayer-meet
ing, and they gave him the credit of being con
scientiously consistent in profession and in life.
While this consistency exacted and obtained their

Cadet-Life at West Point. 2 1

respect and support, it also diverted from him the
sneers and innuendoes which might be occasional
ly directed against less worthy and less consistent
comrades.

Up to this time Upton had secured the reputa
tion of being- a reliable but not a brilliant scholar.
A laborious student, faithfully doing his day's work
in the day, he managed to exhibit in his recitations
always a good knowledge of the subject-matter, but
his early deficiency of expression even here pre
vented his ever making a thoroughly well-rounded
and elegant recitation. What he learned, however,
he retained, and constantly gave practical value to
his knowledge by using illustrative facts to fix
theoretical principles in his mind. His mathemat
ical training caused him to prove all things, to
take nothing for granted, and pass, by consecutive
logical processes, to the inevitable result. During
this last year at the academy he was constantly
looking forward to the time of his emancipation,
not because of ennui or mental fatigue, but rather
because the practical application of principles was
becoming a necessity to him. Mixed with these
longings were the occasional retrospective glances
in which the young frequently indulge. A few let
ters are here inserted to exhibit this phase of his
student-life :

WEST POINT, Febmary 5, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER: ... I have just been dis
cussing with my room-mate our prospects as army-
officers. My life really begins with the date of my
commission. What will time disclose ? I may meet
with success, and I may have been educated but to

22 Emory Upton.

become the mark of a " red-skin." Our profession
differs from all others. It is a profession of fate
and a fatal profession. A long war would make
many of us, and prove the grave of as many ; but
you know it matters not how we meet death, pro
vided we are prepared for it. We must leave all
to the dispensation of an all-wise Providence.

WEST POINT, June 3, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER : . . . This is the anniversary
of my arrival at West Point. Four years ago to
day, in the pride and buoyant spirits of a young
military aspirant, I took my first lessons in military
life. Tis pleasant to look back upon the past and
compare it with the present. Four years of con
stant confinement and regular duties have passed,
and we now stand on the threshold of our first
class-year. Hard times and troubles are all over,
and inviting scenes lie before us. One short year
more, and the key which is to unlock the honors and
emoluments of our profession will be delivered
into our hands. I hope to do well, since my general
standing in a great degree will depend on my ex-
( amination. Chemistry, infantry, artillery, and cav-
; airy tactics will follow the examination in ethics.
Were it not for drawing, I should, without doubt,
better my last year's standing. I shall probably
not fall below it. The Secretary of War has de
cided not to grant us a leave. My only plea is a
broken shoulder, got in the riding-hall, but, as I am
getting "painfully smart," my hopes, even in that
direction, are diminutive. You may, therefore, re
gard my leave as extremely doubtful, and even dis-

Cadet-Life at West Point. 23

miss it from your mind. I am very sorry to disap
point my loved ones.

WEST POINT, October 21, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER : The Prince of Wales created
a good deal of excitement here on Monday last.
The plain was thronged with people eager to get a
glimpse of the future King of England. We were
drawn up in line in front of barracks to receive the
prince. He and his suite were mounted and pre
ceded by a platoon of dragoons, as escort. As he
came galloping along the line we came to " present
arms/' I never experienced such queer feelings
before, and, had I not been under military discipline,
I believe my enthusiasm would have given vent to
itself in cheers. The crowd was wild, but was
doubtless somewhat restrained by the example of
the corps. After the review, the officers of my
class were introduced to his Royal Highness. I
can now say that my rustic hand has grasped the
hand of royalty. He has a kind and very pleasant
countenance, and he will probably make a good if
not a brilliant sovereign. The members of his suite
are perfect gentlemen (General Bruce, Duke of
Newcastle, Dr. Ackland, and others). They came
into the engineering-rooms and I had quite an in
teresting conversation with them. They spoke pure
English. We rode before them in the riding-hall
with saddles, and then with blankets. One cadet
was thrown almost off his horse, but he regained
his seat with such skill and address as to make the
prince clap his hands. After the ride, the prince
expressed his admiration of our horsemanship to
the officer in command.

24 Emory Upton.

Bishop Mcllvaine, of Ohio, preached us a ser
mon last Sunday. He was chaplain here thirty
years ago, and during his ministry a great revival
took place. He attended our prayer-meeting and
commenced to relate his experience here, but, un
fortunately, his interesting narrative was interrupted
by the ' call to quarters.' West Point was then a
hot-bed of infidelity, but he rooted it out, and his
influence is felt to this day. I was introduced to
him, and he gave me a warm invitation to visit him
at Cincinnati next year. Please give me credit for
not saying anything about my studies in this letter.

WEST POINT, October 28, 1860.

MY DEAR LITTLE SISTER: Your letter was duly
received ; and, as it was full of information, it was
read with no ordinary degree of satisfaction. You
alone of the thirteen children remain at home.
What a change ! One by one they have left the
paternal roof, until you only are left " to honor thy
parents." None of us can reproach our father and
mother for neglect of duty. I can now appreciate
the effect of the discipline under which we were
trained. Rigid though it was at times, yet the
chastisement was always given in love rather than
in anger. Our characters were formed early ; and,
hence, none of us when thrown upon our own re
sources have thus far disgraced our name. You
are now my only home correspondent, and you
must write all that transpires at home. Every letter
you write has two values, one to yourself and one
to the recipient ; therefore think not that your let
ters are worthless ; they help to develop your men-

Cadet-Life at West Point. 25

tal faculties. . . . Education is not wholly acquired
in the school-room. Accomplishments must result
from mingling in society. Education and polite
ness make the accomplished lady. You will soon
be sent away to school, but bear in mind that you
can improve out of school. Every day, by close
observation, you can discern more and more what
is your duty. Observe the actions of others, but
do so without evincing curiosity, for that were
rude.

From this time until near the close of Upton's
cadet-life, the great questions which agitated politi
cal parties throughout the whole land, and excited
the animosities of the people, had their influence
among the cadets. Intimately associated by the
ties of home and kindred with all parts of our coun
try, West Point exhibited in miniature the varying
phases of sectional differences and of irreconcilable
grievances. Brother cadets who had endured the
same hardships, had exchanged the warmest and
dearest confidences, had studied and roomed to
gether, began now to have wordy warfare, to foster
animosities, and to look askance at each other. A
segregation of the opposing elements took place;
and, while there were many who, animated by the
fire and zeal of their section, were ready to urge
extreme measures, nearly all of the Southern cadets
felt that the hour of separation, which was to tear
them away from dearly loved friends and their be
loved West Point, was steadily but surely approach
ing, and that no man's hand was strong enough to
prevent. Many left with great sorrow and reluc-

26 Emory Upton.

tance. Some that hesitated, torn by the conflicting
emotions of duty and love, and of stern necessity,
were hurried by a fate as inexorable as history re
cords. All left with a sorrow so great that manly
tears dropped silently as they bade farewell to their
comrades — now friends, but soon to be foes. As a
type of the influences at work in the hearts and
minds of these young men on both sides, so differ
ently reared in political thought and belief, and
called upon to make choice, when apparently the
foundations of government were being shaken to
their center, the letters of Upton will exhibit an in
teresting picture. At this time, as well as for sev
eral years previous, the cadets had by some gradual
process become separated into two parties, hostile
in sentiment and even divided in barracks. This
building of granite was separated really into two
parts by the sally-port, and the cadets of Northern
or Union principles lived mainly in the east wing,
while the Southerners occupied the west and south
wings. On Washington's birthday in 1861, when
the band played the national airs at reveille, the
hisses of the secessionists called forth the cheers of
the Union men and roused them into a condition of
active personal hostility. From that moment the
lines were sharply drawn, and, while not actually
coming to open breaches of the peace, the segrega
tion became complete. The Northern spirit, diffi
cult to arouse, was tempered like steel, and the
smallest incident served to bring the opposing prin
ciples into actual conflict. Little by little, however,
the strength of the Southern wing diminished by
resignation, until the few who were left contented

Cadet- Life at West Point. 27

themselves with silent endurance until all were
finally eliminated.

WEST POINT, December i, 1860.

MY DEAR SISTER : You must pardon me, but I
must introduce the general and all-absorbing topic
of conversation — secession. What do people at
home think of it? I believe the Union is virtually
dissolved. South Carolina can not retract. Her
honor demands that she secede, else she would be
a " by-word." But secession is revolution. She
will seize Fort Moultrie, and hence a collision with
the General Government must follow. War would
alienate all the other Southern States from the
Union, and a terrible and bloody revolution will
result. Every one in South Carolina is for dis
union, at least none dare avow themselves for the
Union, and from the accounts in the New York
daily papers I sincerely believe she will secede on
the 1 8th or igth of this month. If so, the North
and the South will be speedily arrayed against
each other, and the result will be that the North
will be victorious. The South Carolina cadets
published a manifesto a short time since as follows :

" WEST POINT, November g, 1860.
"T0 the Editor of the ' Columbia (S. C.) Guardian'

" MR. EDITOR — SIR : From what we have seen
and heard, South Carolina will undoubtedly, at an
early period, redeem her assertions, take her desti
nies in her own hands, arid proceed at once to or
ganize for herself a new and separate government
(a government of which our beloved Calhoun would

28 Emory Upton.

approve were he with us at this time), one in which
the benefits are equally distributed to all.

" Now we, her sons and representatives at the
United States Military Academy at West Point,
are eager to manifest our devotion and affection to
her and her present cause ; so will we, simultaneous
ly with her withdrawal, be found under the folds of
her banner, fighting- for liberty or equality.

" Though the reception of a diploma here at the
National Academy is certainly to be desired by all
of us, yet we can not so stifle our convictions of
duty as to serve the remainder of our time here
under such a man as Mr. Lincoln as commander-in-
chief, and to be subjected at all times to the orders
of a government the administration of which must
be necessarily unfriendly to the Commonwealth
which has so far preserved a spotless record, and
of which we are justly proud.

" We hereby swear to be true to her lone star
in the present path of rectitude ; and if, by chance,
she goes astray, we will be with her still. All we
desire is a field for making ourselves useful."

A Philadelphia paper exposed their class stand
ing here. " Three were deficient at the examina
tion, one ranked fifty-three out of a class of fifty-
seven, and the remaining three had not appeared
in the Register of Cadets." * I will state that two
of the latter will be " found " this January examina
tion, one was recently placed in arrest for an offense
equivalent to forgery, and which would dismiss him

* Being new cadets, their names would not appear during their first
year.— (P. S. M.)

Cadet-Life at West Point. 29

if brought before a court-martial. Three have re
signed (one left to-day), and the others will proba
bly follow soon.

If the worst is to come and war follow, / am
ready. I will take for my motto, " Dieu et mon
droit" I will strive to do my full duty to God and
my country, and willingly abide the consequences.
I thank Fortune for having been given a military
education here, and I will make myself useful.
Always remember me to Judge Pringle. You
know not under what obligations I feel to him.
All my success in life I shall owe to him. I forbear
writing more at present, and will await future de
velopments.

WEST FOINT, December 21, 1860.

DEAR SISTER: We are on general review in
mineralogy and geology preparatory to our last
January examination, and, possibly, our very last.
These are delightful studies, and the method of in
struction here renders us very familiar with miner
als. Each rock has now its story for us. ... The
political horizon is very black. To-day's papers in
form us that South Carolina has seceded. The veil
behind which Webster sought not to penetrate has
been " rent in twain," and secession, with its evils,
is now a reality. Let her go. She has been a pest,
an eye-sore, an abomination ever since she entered
the Union. Were it not that her example may be
come contagious, few would regret her course ; but,
in the present excited state of feeling at the South,
there is imminent danger that the whole South will
drift into the terrible gulf which secession opens
before them. I believe in Union, but South Caro-

30 Emory Upton.

lina has taken the initiative, and she is responsible
for whatever follows, and posterity will hold her
so. Every friend of freedom will execrate her
course. War, I believe, must speedily follow, and
by her act. The papers say, " Buchanan has ordered
the commandant of Fort Moultrie to surrender if
attacked "; if true, what a traitor! Floyd has sent
twenty-five thousand stand of arms to different
Southern posts within the past year, and for what ?
Certainly not for the use of soldiers garrisoning
them. What, then, is the inference? That they
shall be convenient for secession. The Administra
tion must be deeply implicated in this plot to de
stroy the government. Its conduct can not be ex
plained otherwise. I heartily rejoice that Abraham
Lincoln is elected, and that we have such a noble
set of Republicans at Washington to meet this criti
cal emergency. As for myself, I am ambitious, and
desire fame, but I will stand by the right ; for what
is the worth of fame when purchased by dishonor ?
God orders or suffers all things.

WEST POINT, January 12, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : This is examination-week.
My reports have not been quite so good as you
may have desired, but I shall be quite satisfied with
the results of the examinations. . . . Truly troub
lous times are upon us. We are at sea, with no
chart to guide us. What the end will be, our wisest
statesmen can not foresee. The South is gone, and
the question is, Will the Government coerce her
back ? The attempt, I think, will be made, but we
can not predict the result. Southern men are brave,

Cadet-Life at West Point. 31

and will fight well, but their means for prosecuting
a long war are wanting. Four States are now out
of the Union, and South Carolina has fired the first
gun. She has resisted the entrance of the Star of
the West to Fort Sumter, and, no doubt, there
will be bloodshed before you receive this, since the
Brooklyn (man-of-war) is on the way to Charleston,
and is bound to re-enforce that fort. . . . Members
of my class continue to resign. The corps is al
ready sensibly reduced in numbers, and, from pres
ent prospects, we will almost be reduced to a moiety.
Should the United States officers from the seceding
States resign, there will be many vacancies, and,
very probably, they would be filled by graduating
us soon. ... In my next letter I will try to say
nothing upon secession, but it is the absorbing topic
of thought at present.

WEST POINT, February 2, 1861.

MY DEAR BROTHER : I have not heard from you
in a long time. I want to ascertain your views on
the subject of secession. It has assumed immense
importance. The crisis has come. How is it to be
met ? The Union is in extreme peril. Must it be
dissolved? No! I say, let it be preserved, if it
costs years of civil war. What do you think of
compromise ? I am opposed to it, as a dangerous
precedent. If the Uniort could be preserved with
out compromise, even at the expense of a war, I
think it would be preferable to a compromise,
since it would demonstrate that a republican gov
ernment is adequate to any emergency. But, rather
than see the country forever disrupted, I \vould
prefer an honorable adjustment. These views I

32 Emory Upton.

take on the supposition that the South feels herself
aggrieved, and that she desires to perpetuate the
Union, if possible. Northern aggression is the al
leged, not the real, cause of secession. The Legis
lature of South Carolina declares she will not re-
mam in the Union under any circumstances. They
are wild on the subject of a Southern confederacy,
and they have resolved to establish it at the price
of a revolution. If this is the real cause of seces
sion, the door to compromise should forever be
closed, and the South should be completely subju
gated. In the Union, their property is and ought
to be protected ; out of the Union, slavery is over
thrown. I hope some day to see it abolished peace
ably ; but, if they go out, they of themselves over
throw it in blood. It is a great evil, but we are not
responsible. Let them answer for and settle it
themselves. I believe that an all-wise Providence
is directing the storm, and that he will overrule
everything for good. . . . Several Southern cadets
left to-day, and many more will follow soon. Pro
motion will be rapid in the army about the time we
graduate, and if there is a war we will not lack em
ployment. Probably an assault will be made on
Fort Sumter ; they will meet with a warm recep
tion. We are on our last term. Our studies — mili
tary engineering, law, ordnance, etc. — are very in
teresting and we look forward with great pleasure
to our graduation.

WEST POINT, March 27, 1861,

DEAR SISTER: Your remarks upon "Tories"
were very appropriate. There is a large class at
the North, and they will seriously affect the power

Cadet- Life at West Point. 33

of the Government. They are so servile that they
would prefer to accept the terms of Jeff Davis,
rather than fight for the honor of the North. I am
entirely out of patience with them. Let slavery
alone where it is, but never let it extend. Think of
a slave republic in the nineteenth century ! The
ignorant people of Italy are now fighting for liberty;
the chivalous South is fighting for slavery. What a
cause to fight for ; and still Northern traitors are
taking commissions in the Southern army ! It is
good for the army that they have resigned ; they
are now in their proper places. It is no compliment
to the cause to say that traitors are eager to defend
it. I am impatient with the apathy of the North.
The South is making ample preparations for war,
while we "are lying supinely on our backs." Why
are no steps taken to defend the Union ? If we have
war (mark my words), Jeff Davis will be successful
in one or two campaigns. He is energetic, and he
is drawing all the talent he can from our army. He
will enter the war with his forces well organized,
and it can not be denied that Southern men will
fight well; hence, \vhat is to prevent his success
for a time ? Every victory for him at the outset
will require three defeats to offset.

WEST POINT, April 8, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : ... I am sincerely glad at
the turn affairs have taken within the last few days.
The Government has awakened from its apparent
lethargy, and seems disposed to meet the difficul
ties w^ith which it is beset. Unwonted activity is
displayed at army rendezvous and at navy-yards.

34 Emory Upton.

My opinion is that war has actually begun. There
is absence of news from Charleston. The tele
graph lines are down south of Petersburg, Virginia,
which is a very suspicious circumstance. The gal
lant band at Fort Sumter may now be sacrificing
their lives in defense of our flag and for the honor
of our country. This sacrifice will not be in vain.
The acts of the Government are decidedly warlike,
but not aggressive. Southern troops are assembling
at Forts Pickens and Sumter ; this all means war ;
it can not be evaded. Traitorous army officers are
resigning daily. Let them go ; we want none but
faithful men. I am glad to say that almost every
Northern cadet is anxious and ready to serve the
Government. War is a calamity, but an inevitable
necessity. I think there will be a campaign this
summer, else secession must back clean down, which
is improbable. ... A letter was received to-day
from Washington, stating that the Secretary of War
and General Scott are in favor of graduating our
class, and giving us commissions to fill vacancies
now existing in the army. I am willing to be or
dered away immediately. A furlough would give
little satisfaction when such exciting scenes are
being daily enacted. I shall be glad when my aca
demic duties terminate.

WEST POINT, April 8, 1861.

MY VERY DEAR SISTER : You will, before the
reception of this, have heard the war news. The
daily papers teem with exciting dispatches. Troops
are moving in every direction. All, however, is
speculation as to their destination and orders. I
rejoice that the Government has taken its stand.

Cadet-Life at West Point. 35

Let it pursue a firm policy, and I am sure the North
will support it. An attack on Fort Sumter is
highly probable. The " Times" and " Herald" to
day state that provisions are on their way there,
and that Anderson has orders to open his batteries
if the vessel is fired upon. I hope Providence is
overruling us, and that all will turn out for the best.
The war will be forced upon us. We will be in the
right, and let us maintain it as becomes freemen.

I mentioned in my last letter that we might
graduate soon. I hope we may if war begins. I
want no holier cause than to defend the flag which
Washington honored. Will you do me the favor
to make a little flag (inclosed size), with thirteen
stripes and thirty-four stars ? I want it for my per
sonal colors, to have always with me. With that, a
small pocket Testament, and a just cause, I am ready
for action, and willing to leave the issue in the hands
of God. I shall hope to see you soon, whatever
transpires. You must see West Point. I am having
a very easy time — no military duty to perform, no
roll-calls to attend, etc. — these are privileges of the
office I now hold, Assistant Instructor of Artillery.

Remember me most kindly to Judge Pringle. I
owe all to him. His motive in appointing me seldom
actuates other Congressmen. Most appointments
are political favors. I told you the reason he as
signed for appointing me.

WEST POINT, Apnl 17, 1861.

MY VERY DEAR SISTER: Your very welcome
letter was received to-day. I admire the feelings
which dictated it. I rejoice that you are all willing

36 Emory Upton.

that I should serve my country. That I should
witness the worst horrors of war very soon, admits
of no doubt, but I do not shrink from it. I shall
have the pleasing and grateful knowledge that,
every morning and evening, prayers will ascend for
my protection and spiritual welfare. ... I am both
surprised and delighted at the enthusiasm of the
people in support of the Government. Every
breath of treason in the North seems hushed. How
remarkable ! One week ago, no one had any confi
dence. To-day, the voice is, " The Union must and
shall be preserved ! " The attack on Fort Sumter
has sealed the traitors' doom.

Now for the " petit" flag. It is suspended over
my alcove, where I can look at it by turning my
eye. I shall carry it with me during the war in my
breast-pocket. I shall look at it whenever neces
sary to stimulate my sense of duty, and I shall look
at it often to call you into remembrance. I am
much pleased with the letters I receive from every
member of our family. All tell me to do my duty,
and none would dissuade me. Nothing encourages
me more, and I would like to have duty inculcated
in every letter. I shall not have a furlough, and it
is doubtful even if I return home for an hour. For
mother's sake, I believe it is better that I should
not. Thirty members of my class have applied to
the Secretary of War to be graduated at once. The
remainder (eighteen) are doubtful, and some are
traitors. They refused to sign the paper. The ap
plication has been laid before the superintendent.
. . . The Government will know who are loyal
and who are traitors. I think the latter will not get

Cadet-Life at West Point. 37

diplomas ; if they do graduate, I believe they will
immediately join the C. S. A. ; one already holds a
commission. Union meetings are held here almost
every night. All the national airs, except " Hail
Columbia," are sung. Cheers for the Union are
loud and long. We are strong for the Union, now
and forever.

We may now cast a retrospective glance over
the past five years, and determine the influences
which the Academy had planted, fostered, and de
veloped in Upton's mental, moral, and physical na
ture. We find him, at his entrance into cadet-life, a
raw country lad, with few of the graces and but
little of the polish that mark the youth trained
amid the elegancies of city life. But, deeply in
grained in his moral nature, there were fixed prin
ciples of integrity, devotion to duty, and filial and
fraternal love, cemented by the powerful, ever-incit
ing activities of a religious mind. Thrown into
a community where unquestioned obedience was
at once required, discontent and active resistance
would have unquestionably followed, had not the
logic of its necessity soon found a lodgment and a
hearty acceptance in his mind. A unit in an or
ganization governed by a system of regulations,
whose direct results confirmed its wisdom, he soon
gave his adhesion and support to the constituted
authorities ; for, just as soon as he began to appre
ciate the fallacy of his reasoning as to the moral
wrong of " bad marks," these decreased in due pro
portion.

For a proper understanding of the value of the

38 Emory Upton.

institution as a training-school for the military pro
fession, it may be well here to indicate briefly its
essential characteristics, as devised by General
Sylvanus Thayer, and which have for the past
sixty years been practically unchanged. Previous
to 1819 it hardly deserved the name of a military
school, there being nothing coherent or self-sustain
ing in its structure. Since that time, thanks to
General Thayer's wonderful sagacity and able ad
ministration, and that of his able successors, it has
been enabled to overcome all the difficulties which
threatened its early existence, and to enter into a
vigorous life, which as yet displays no sign of de
crepitude.

It is governed immediately by the War Depart
ment, having the General of the Army as its inspect
or. Its superintendent is a distinguished officer of
the army, appointed by the President for his es
pecial fitness for the responsible duties to which he
is assigned.

The functions of the Academy are twofold :

1. To train the intellectual faculties by a course
of instruction arranged in a settled curriculum, in
which all graduates must be adjudged proficient
before they can be recommended as fit for promo
tion into the several corps and line of the army.

2. To utilize the drill and discipline of the vari
ous military evolutions as enforced physical exer
cise, at the same time aiming at a high degree of
proficiency through the esprit de corps of the ca
dets. To accomplish these two objects the super
intendent has under him an academic board of pro
fessors, permanently attached to the Academy, and

Cadet- Life at West Point. 39

a much more numerous body of officers of the
army in active service, temporarily detached from
their regiments, and returnable to them at the ex
piration of their detail. These two bodies are, in
some degree, antagonistic. The former are, from
the nature of their duties, conservative ; the latter,
by the varied service experienced in a small army
scattered over a widely-extended country, are radi
cal and highly critical, if not iconoclastic. The
healthy attack and defense of a system in which
both are mutually interested results in slow, grad
ual, but permanently beneficial changes acquiesced
in by both parties. The constant current of able
officers coming from all parts of the army, imbued
with its notions, and returning to it, carrying the
knowledge of the work of the Academy, prevents
stagnation, keeps its interest alive in the army, and
insures a healthy and vigorous life. If the Academy
were governed alone by its academic board, there
would be danger of a too great extension toward
merely theoretical excellence; while, if controlled by
officers on the active list of the army, the practical
art would be unduly developed at -the expense of
the solidly theoretical. This happy adjustment of
differences has no counterpart in any foreign serv
ice, and has received the unqualified admiration of
professional soldiers of all countries who have had
the opportunity of studying its system, and observ
ing its practical benefits.

The regulations established for the government
of the cadets are explicit, and are devised to train
them into systematic and regular habits. Viola
tions of regulations are followed by restrictions,

4O Emory Upton.

which arc wisely corrective in their nature and not
punitive. The immediate administration in quar
ters, at drill, and in military evolutions of all kinds,
while supervised by army officers, is mainly con
fided to cadets who are judged by their comrades
according to the impartial standards of equity and
right in the performance of their duty. This instills
a respect for authority, independent of the individ
ual exercising it for the time being, leads to an hon
orable rivalry for the coveted honors, and confers
on the governors and governed the sense of person
al responsibility, which is essentially the pride and
glory of the Academy. The daily exaction of many
hours of hard study, cheerfully yielded by the cadet
because of the impartial benefits received, results in
a continuous growth of mental fiber and develops a
self-reliance which finds its highest value in times of
necessity, responsibility, or peril.

And, finally, of higher value than all else, is the
true soldierly honor which, ever jealously guarding
the priceless jewel of truth, requires the sacrifice of
life itself before the trust shall be betrayed or the
flag dishonored. This devotion to truth guarantees
to each member of the Academy a reliance on his
word as an officer and a gentleman, and demands of
him such conduct as shall be the manly outcome of
noble and patriotic thoughts.

Such was the atmosphere which had surrounded
Upton during his cadetship at West Point. It was
one well calculated to nourish and invigorate his
moral growth, and to destroy the very germs of
selfish actions. The system of responsibility toward
his superiors, and the exercise of his power in his

Cadet-Lift at West Print.

relation to his subordinates, happily balanced in
t.v;ir influence, led him to acquire a proper respect
for authority, and a just discretion in its exercise.
HK inV;;.i/;ct, quickened by the daily study, grew in
c1 ue proportion with the manly vigor acquired from
:.;s p.cysioai exercise, and thus we find him well
equ.ppec at aii points for the important duties
wr.icra his chosen profession of necessity called him
to perform amid the stern realities of war.

His class graduated on the 6th of May, i&6"i.
If is academic rank was eight in a class of forty-five
members. The Academic I>oard considered him
f.t to :>e honored by recommendation to the Secre
tary of War for promotion into the Engineers and
aii other corps and line of the army. He had. there
fore, justified the high expectations of his friend
j udge Pringie, for he had reached the highest honor
tr.e Academy had to bestow. Notwithstanding this
rccorrainendation, he chose the artillery. With his
comrades he was ordered to report without delay
at Washington, where their services were sorely
needed to drill and discipline the various regi-
rnents of volunteer troops gathered there in obe
dience to the call of the Government, preparatory
to tne arduous campaign then in contemplation.

CHAPTER III.

ACTIVE SERVICE AS A SUBALTERN.

THE great body of volunteers assembled at
Washington in the spring of 1861, in obedience to
the call of the President, although inspired by pa
triotic enthusiasm, was without discipline or mili
tary knowledge, save the little they had individually
acquired by their service in the militia. To rem
edy these defects became, then, a matter of pressing
necessity before the troops could with confidence
be sent into the field. The War Department, doubt
less with this end in view, ordered the graduation
of the two upper classes of the Military Academy,
in order to utilize the services of these carefully
trained and thoroughly disciplined young men in
drilling the various regiments of volunteers. Up
ton's class was graduated on the 6th of May, and
had completed all but a month of their five years'
cadet service. They were in every way qualified
for the responsible duties to which they were at
once assigned. Imperative orders directed their
immediate presence in Washington. Delaying but
a few hours in New York to procure their arms
and equipments for active service, many of them
still in their cadet uniform, they hurried on to
Washington, and were at once absorbed in the per
formance of the duty assigned them.

Active Service as a Subaltern. 43

Coming as they did fresh from the Military
Academy, accustomed to strict disciplinary prin
ciples, having a practical as well as a theoretical
knowledge of military science, and with a high sense
of honor, they were peculiarly fortunate in being
at once associated with those patriotic men who
formed the first levy of our volunteer army.

They could not help being ennobled by intimate
association with the men who, in the highest spirit
of self-sacrifice, had given up every worldly interest,
as well as family and home, and who stood ready
to yield life itself in order that the Union might be
preserved.

The influence of such men upon these active and
high-spirited young regulars can never be wholly
understood, except in the light of the remarkable
success that the latter attained by the hearty co
operation of the former ; and the regular army of
to-day shows that the patriotic and devoted sacrifice
of our volunteer soldiery has had an absorbing in
fluence upon its present temper and discipline.

The complete story of the great civil war can
never be fully written until the faithful historian
has, by careful study and patient effort, constructed
the mosaic from the tiny bits of personal and official
experience scattered here and there in almost inex
tricable confusion. Each individual actor in the
great conflict has his part to play, and his story has
its place in the completed picture.

Upton was a faithful correspondent, and the let
ters to his relatives kept them well informed of his
movements, and of the events which came under
his immediate notice.

44 Emory Upton.

In the delineation of his character, it is sufficient
for our purpose to give copious extracts from his
letters, believing that these were the true expression
of his thoughts, motives, and actions, at the time of
writing, and this is our excuse for using his own
words in telling the story of his life.

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 8, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : From New York we took the
6 P. M. train for Philadelphia. Everything passed
off quietly until we arrived in the City of Brotherly
Love. There we were met by a strong police force,
and all were arrested for secessionists. We were
utterly unprepared for the descent, and a fight was
imminent ; but the police explained the matter, and
we followed them to the station-house (Independence
Hall). We were taken into the Rogues' Gallery,
and there deposited our swords and revolvers, and
awaited the arrival of Mayor Henry. We showred
him our orders from the War Department, which,
of course, was sufficient evidence of our character.
Our arms were returned, and, on the supposition
that the train had left, we went to the Continental
to put up for the night at the city's expense. The
cause of our arrest was a telegram from the Mayor
of Jersey City, stating that forty Southern cadets
were on the train, and that their baggage contained
small-arms for the South. Under the circumstances
the arrest was justifiable. On our arrival in Wash
ington we reported to Colonel Lorenzo Thomas.
We have not been assigned to corps yet, but may
be to-morrow. I can go into the Engineers by sim
ply saying the word, but I think strongly of the

Active Service as a Subaltern. 45

Third Infantry, which is now on its way here. To
morrow we commence drilling volunteers, our first
duty as officers of the army.

WASHINGTON, May 20, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : I have now really commenced
life. No longer a cadet, I am now my own master.
How different the circumstances ! West Point is
in the past. What lies in the future, God only
knows ! I trust it may be a prosperous and useful
career. The time here passes very fast. I worked
really hard last week, but do not complain, when I
think how much harder the poor privates have to
work.

Upton having reported to the Adjutant-General
of the Army, was assigned as second-lieutenant to
the Fourth Regiment of Artillery, and directed to
report to Brigadier-General Mansfield, command
ing the troops around Washington. General Mans
field directed him to drill the Twelfth New York
Regiment, Colonel Daniel Butterfield commanding,
and he was continued on this duty until May 27th,
when he was selected as aide-de-camp by Brigadier-
General Daniel Tyler, commanding the First Divis
ion of the Department of Northeastern Virginia.
This officer had graduated from West Point in 1819,
and had remained in service until 1834, after which
he had been actively employed in constructing and
managing railroads in various parts of the United
States. But at the first call to arms, and at the
sacrifice of his personal interests, he promptly of
fered his services to the Government, and appeared

46 Emory Upton.

in Washington at the head of a Connecticut bri
gade. Although then over sixty-two years of age,
he still possessed an active and vigorous mind, a
quick and clear perception, and was thoroughly
alive to the importance of the vast undertaking of
the new Administration. Personally a brave man,
and controlled by the most patriotic motives, he
was, without doubt, one of the best commanders
under whom Upton could at that time have found
service. He very readily and properly estimated
the undeveloped military qualities of his young aide,
and, after a short acquaintance, predicted the great
est success for him in his military career.

The letters which follow exhibit the first im
pressions of our young soldier upon his entrance
into actual service :

WASHINGTON, May 24, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: The excitement here con
tinues unabated — in fact, has increased yesterday
and to-day. Last night about eight thousand troops
crossed Long Bridge and encamped on the soil of
Virginia. This move is the initiative of the war.
How soon a pitched battle will be fought I know
not, but one must come soon. I am trying my best
to be present, but fear I shall be unsuccessful. To
day I made application to be assigned to a battery
of light artillery, and to-night was told that as
soon as an officer was wanted I would be detailed.
The Twelfth New York, to which I was assigned,
is now on Arlington Heights. I am now on duty
with the Second Connecticut, and shall commence
drilling them to-morrow.

Active Service as a Subaltern. 47

WASHINGTON, June i, 1861.

DEAR SISTER : I leave for Virginia to-night at
twelve o'clock, aide-de-camp to General Tyler. I
will have a horse to ride, and good quarters. My
position is admirable. I take your flag with me.

CAMP OPPOSITE WASHINGTON, June 6fti.
MY DEAR SISTER: I had quite an incident on the
night of the march here. We were under orders
to march at midnight, to relieve the Twelfth New
York at Roach's Mills. I told General Tyler that
there were some officers of the Twelfth in Wash
ington, and that they could tell me the route to
travel. I mounted my horse and set off for their
quarters, with permission to cross the river and re
connoitre the roads leading to the camp of the
Twelfth. I got on very well until I reached the
center of Long Bridge. There I found that I had
the wrong countersign. I showed that I was the
bearer of dispatches, and they let me pass on. I
had not proceeded far before I was halted by a
Jersey sentinel, and, not having the countersign, he
would not let me pass. I was referred to the officer
of the guard. He sent me to the colonel, but, not
satisfying him of my character and mission, he sent
me to General Runyon, who forwarded my orders (I
was in uniform), but would not release me. He sent
his aide to General McDowell, at Arlington, to as
certain my character, and, the general being absent,
his adjutant-general, Captain Fry, wrote a note
stating that I was all right. I was consequently re
leased, and he gave me the countersign, and instruc
tion to the sergeant of the guard to pass me over

48 Emory Upton.

the lines. Before passing the lines, I asked the ser
geant what the countersign was, so as to be sure.
Immediately he halted me and would not let me
proceed, until he had sent back to the general to
know whether I had it or not. Finally, after a de
tention of two hours, I was released. While in the
general's tent I was guarded by three officers, who
took up strategic positions — two slightly in front,
the other in rear of me — all armed with revolvers.
I had just cleared the lines, when I met General
McDowell, who had heard of my arrest in Wash
ington, which had been telegraphed to the War De
partment, and was on his way to General Runyon
to release me. I saw him at Arlington a few days
ago, and he told me I would have to pardon the
volunteers, for, in their zeal, they often stopped
army officers, not excepting himself.

We arrived at Roach's Mills at 5 A. M. Sunday
morning. I was then sent out to survey a camp
ground, which took till about noon. I then man
aged to get about an hour's sleep, the first I had
had since the night previous. Yesterday General
Tyler sent me out to find the shortest distance from
Suter's or Shorter's Hill to Roach's Mills. I started
about 9 A. M., and, while the distance is about three
miles, after following the various roads to their
termini, I finally reached this hill at about one
o'clock. I dined with Colonel Farnham, of the Fire
Zouaves, and then returned. I found that Major
Speidel had posted his sentinels in an open field, and
partly in rear of the line of sentinels belonging to a
Michigan regiment. I assumed the responsibility
of throwing Speidel's sentinels farther to the front,

Active Service as a Subaltern. 49

and posted them along a road leading from our
camp through a large wood to an open field,
thence along a wood-path leading around the field
to a small corn-field, where I posted one sentinel,
another on the other side of the field, and three
more made our line connect with the Michigan line,
which extends to Suter's Hill.

After doing this, I reported to the colonel what
I had done, and requested Major Speidel to return
with me. The major did not like my interference,
but he said but little. We took a picket of forty
men and set out again. I rode with him up to the
first Michigan sentinel, and showed him the route
our regiment would have to follow in case we were
to re-enforce Suter's Hill, should it be attacked. He
immediately fell in with the idea, and called in all
his useless sentinels and threw them on the line that
I had first designated. 1 returned then to head
quarters and told General Tyler what I had done,
accompanying my explanation with a map. When
he understood it, he said emphatically two or three
times : " That is right ; you will do hereafter to go
out on your own hook." This was my first compli
ment from him. I know not why it is, but I stand
very well here in the estimation of general officers.

When at Suter's Hill, Lieutenant Snyder [who
had been at Fort Sumter] told me that they would
like to have me for an aide-de-camp to Colonel
Heintzelman. General Tyler last night told me that
he should try to keep me as long as he was in serv
ice, and that it was very probable that I would be
put on McDowell's staff, who commands all the
forces on this side.
3

50 Emory Upton.

ERASER'S, VA., June 17, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: We are comfortably settled
here, but to-day or to-morrow we shall move to
Roach's Mills. You need not worry about me, for
I have all that I want to eat. I mess with the gen
eral, and, as he likes good things and has plenty of
money, we lack no comforts when they can be ob
tained. We now have the First and Second Con
necticut Volunteers on this side of the river, and
the Eighth and Twenty-fifth New York are also
brigaded with us.

Virginia does not compare very well with Gene-
see County. Once in a while we find a good farm,
but generally the fences are down and the buildings
are old and rickety. Yesterday the general and
myself went on the cars with four hundred men of
the First Connecticut Volunteers to Vienna, on the
Loudon and Hampshire Railroad. Our object was
to ascertain whether the road had been disturbed
by the rebels. At Vienna the ladies welcomed us
by waving handkerchiefs ; they were truly glad to
see us. The rebels had been there two days before
us, and had taken up the lead pipes for bullets. On
our return a shot was fired at our men, and took
effect in the left shoulder of a soldier standing next
to General Tyler. The train was stopped, and the
men were thrown into the woods as skirmishers.
When I got out of the cars they were firing very
rapidly, and I thought then we were going to have
a good fight, as we knew there were secesh troops
within six miles when we passed up.

Active Service as a Subaltern. 5 1

FALL'S CHURCH, VA., July i, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: Is mother as brave as she
ought to be ? Does she prefer to have me here
rather than at home ? If she does not, hereafter I
will say nothing of projects. Patriotism now should
rule affection. I hope she looks at it in this light.
We hope to celebrate the 4th of July at Fairfax
Court-House. Whether the move will involve a
battle I know not, but I hope it will. Our army has
insults to avenge and a flag to defend. Would it
not be a glorious celebration of that day to meet
and defeat the enemies of our country ? Yesterday
two companies of the Third Connecticut captured
two prisoners and four horses. An ambush was
placed within two and a half miles of the chivalrous
First South Carolina. The force was the advanced
guard of about thirty or forty of Radford's rangers.
A little more coolness and discretion would have
enabled them to capture the whole squad. They
were very athletic, vigorous men, and one was
very courageous and would not give up for some
time. They were exceedingly mortified, and I really
pitied them. I will fight before I will deliver my
sword.

I can remain with General Tyler as long as I
please. I know he does not want me to leave, for he
has taken the trouble to write to the Assistant Adju
tant-General to have me detached, and I think he
saw the Secretary of War on the subject. The Fifth
United States Artillery is now organizing at Harris-
burg, and will not be in the field within two months.
Before the expiration of that period there will be
hard fighting, and were I to join my company I

52 Emory Upton.

should lose it all. When it gets into the field I
think I shall join it, as I wish to win the reputation
of being a good artillery-officer. I have been where
I expected a fight, but have not been gratified as
yet.

FALL'S CHURCH,. VA., July 9, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: Your good letter found me
houseless and homeless. General Tyler has turned
over the command of the Connecticut brigade to
Colonel Keyes, and with it our tents, of course. He
has not yet located his headquarters, and until then
we must trust to our friends for protection. Lieu
tenant Hascall occupies the same position on Colo
nel Keyes's staff which I did on General Tyler's,
before he was relieved. I meet many of rny old
West Point instructors daily. Captain Baird (mathe
matics) is on our staff ; Captain Vincent (chemistry)
is on General Schenck's staff ; Colonel McCook, of
tactics, who had my company ; Colonel Howard,
Captain Williams, and many others. Professor
Mahan was out to see us to-day. He has a very
hearty shake of the hand, which I regard as a good
index to any man's character. It seems quite
strange to associate with these men on terms of
equality. I should like to accompany you in your
visit at any other time than this ; but you know
an opportunity will soon present itself for me to
be under fire, and I would not miss it for ail the
world.

During the next nine days, the preliminary move
ments had all taken place by which McDowell's
army had been placed face to face with the enemy.

Active Service as a Subaltern. 53

Oar young soldier had been active and zealous in
his duty, and had gained the confidence of his gen
eral. The latter, in command of the First Division,
had, in obedience to the orders of the i6th and iSth
of July, moved against Centreville, and had ad
vanced as far as Blackburn's Ford on Bull Run. In
the action which this advanced movement had
brought about, Upton had aimed the first gun and
was in the successful charge made by the First
Massachusetts and Second and Third Michigan
Regiments against the enemy's position. In this
charge he displayed great coolness and dash, and,
although he was wounded in the left side and arm

o

by a musket-ball, he did not quit the field, but re
mained at his post of duty, receiving the commen
dation of his general for his gallantry. His high
anticipations of success against the armed enemies
of the country were not realized; and, while the
result of the battle of Bull Run dampened his hopes,
it did not weaken his faith in the ultimate success
of the cause.

His great disappointment at the result of this
promising movement is feelingly portrayed in this
short but pithy note to his sister :

July 22, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: I regret to say we are de
feated. Our troops fought well, but were badly
managed.

The only other letter referring to the battle was
written several months after, and refers to a chance
meeting with Mr. Lovejoy :

54 Emory Upton.

ALEXANDRIA, November 25, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: You spoke of the Hon. Owen
Lovejoy. Did I tell you about meeting him at Bull
Run? If not, I'll tell you now. General Tyler's
division crossed Bull Run about forty rods above
Stone Bridge. I crossed with the Sixty-ninth New
York, and passed up the opposite bank through a
ravine. We had marched but a few rods when we
came upon a regiment of secessionists. We were
about eight rods from them, and not knowing them
to be secessionists we asked them. I was between
them and the leading company, and of course rode
around the company so that they might open fire.
I had but got behind it when my horse was shot and
mortally wounded. I dismounted, and remained
until the enemy ran, when we ceased firing and re
sumed the march. I saw my horse a short distance
back, and went to him and took off his saddle. I
then went forward to a small house where the
wounded were being carried. I saw there an old
horse, and, as I was an aide-de-camp, I mounted
him. I asked for his owner, and Mr. Lovejoy made
his appearance. He was assisting in taking care of
the wounded, and had exposed his life freely. I
told him I was an aide and my horse had been shot,
and asked for his. He gave him to me immediate
ly, and I consigned to his care a valuable field-glass.
I rejoined the staff, and changed the horse with an
orderly. On the retreat my arm pained me, and I
procured a steady horse belonging to the quarter
master's department. Mr. Lovejoy 's horse was
ridden by a member of our staff, and was returned
to him in Washington. I have a high respect for

Active Service as a Subaltern. 55

Mr. Lovejoy, because he fights for his principles
and is a brave man.

Upon recovering from his wound, Upton, having
been assigned to the artillery, was ordered, August
14, 1861, to duty in Battery D, Second United States
Artillery, which was located in the defenses of
Washington, south of the Potomac. During the in
terval of rest and reorganization of the Army of the
Potomac, he remained at Alexandria with his bat
tery, which was commanded by Captain Richard
Arnold until the latter part of October, then by
Captain Platt, and, before leaving again for active
service, by Upton himself. In the daily routine of
camp-life there was much to be done to make the
battery efficient for field-service, and that this was
thoroughly well done, both by officers and men, was
shown in its subsequent record. The few incidents
well to note before the beginning of the Peninsular
campaign, as well as the impressions that occupied
his mind, are given in the following letters :

ARNOLD'S BATTERY, ALEXANDRIA, August 31, 1861.
MY DEAR SISTER: Since I last wrote you we
have again changed camp. Captain Arnold sent
me forward to locate our ground, and has honored
me by naming the camp after me. We are on high
ground, and not so far from the enemy as before.
Our brigade is now commanded by General Mitch
ell (the renowned astronomer). I hope he may be
as proficient in the science of war as in astronomy.
Everything is quiet in front ; occasionally there is
picket-firing. Yesterday I visited our pickets at

56 Emory Upton.

Bailey's Cross-roads, and saw again the secession
flag, and heard the discharge of musketry. Our
pickets were then having a brush with theirs. One
of their officers was shot. His rank is not known,
but he was probably a valuable officer, for the flag
was lowered to half-mast, and remained so 'during
the da . They have a field-work one and a quarter
miles from Bailey's, on Munson's Hill, I have been
on the hill, but it was when at Fall's Church. They
could easily be dislodged by planting two batteries
—one at Bailey's, the other near Willie Throckmor-
ton's house — and attacking them with infantry be
tween the batteries. ... I paid a visit to the officers
of the Second Maine, and they gave me a hearty
welcome. You will remember that we charged up
the hill together. I saw the color-bearer who be
haved so nobly, carrying forward our flag, planting
it until the men came up, and then carrying it for
ward again. If I ever attain a position to reward
anybody, he shall be remembered.

ALEXANDRIA, September 30, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : Yesterday we had a regular
field-day. We marched at 5 A. M. for Bailey's
Cross-roads, and on arriving there found Munson's
Hill in possession of our troops. We then marched
for Mason's Hill, where the rebels also had fortifica
tions, but they had deserted them. My section was
brought into battery commanding the Fairfax road,
but as only a few cavalry showed themselves at
times we did not fire. We returned to Bailey's at
3 P. M., and encamped, expecting to remain there
all night, but at supper orders were received to

Active Service as a Subaltern. 57

return to our old camp. In twenty minutes we
were ready to move, and at half-past seven were at
our old home. The works at Munson's and Mason's
Hills were mere scarecrows — nothing but shells
which I could and did ride my horse right over.
At Munson's they had a wooden Columbiad pointed
over the parapet, which gave rise to the report that
they had heavy guns.

The conduct of our troops was disgraceful be- :
yond expression. They burned buildings, destroyed
furniture, stole dishes, chairs, etc., killed chickens,
pigs, calves, and everything they could eat. They
would take nice sofa-chairs, which they had not the
slightest use for, and ten minutes after throw them
away. Talk about the barbarity of the rebels ! I
believe them to be Christians compared to our
thieves. The houses entered yesterday belonged
mostly to Union people, yet they were unmolested
by the rebels. One of our volunteer majors walked
up to a looking-glass, wrorth about twenty dollars,
and deliberately put his foot through it. I wish I
had witnessed it. He would have had the benefit
of a court-martial.

ALEXANDRIA, October 4, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : I want you to cease worrying
about me. It does no good either to yourself or
me, and it gives me no comfort whatever. You
have the New York papers daily, and undoubtedly,
were accident to befall me, you would hear of it
through them first. If I am to be killed in battle,
no earthly power can avert it. My fate I know not.
Whatever it may be I am ready and willing to meet

58 Emory Upton.

it. I am fighting- for right, and trust in God to de
fend me. If it be his will I desire no more happy
or glorious death than on the battle-field in the
defense of our flag. I owe all to the Government,
and, in return, the Government shall have all. Per
haps I shall have a great mission to perform ; if so,
I shall not fail to ask wisdom from " Him who
giveth liberally and upbraideth not." You spoke
of mother's prayers — they are offered in faith. I
wish I had her steadfastness.

It is now quite probable that we shall remain
here for some time. I hope not, but if not ready it
is expedient to remain on the defensive. The great
points of interest are now Missouri and Kentucky.
Two big battles may be expected very soon, one in
each State ; but the grand one will take place when
the Army of the Potomac takes the offensive.

ALEXANDRIA, November 13, 1861.

DEAR SISTER : My views are not changed ; I am
opposed to Southern slavery in every form, viewed
in any light — political, social, or moral. I have
taken an oath " to bear true allegiance to the United
States," and I hope to observe that oath. Slavery
is the cause of the rebellion, and I believe it is God's
providence that it shall be overthrown. It will be
the consequence, not the effect, of the war. After
the war is ended there will be a great influx of
Northern men into the Southern States ; their views
will gradually triumph and slavery must yield. The
rebels wish to establish a monarchy, and are fighting
for that object. We are fighting for the Govern
ment, and against that object.

Active Service as a Subaltern. 59

ALEXANDRIA, November 23, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER : Time passes so rapidly now
that it is hard to take cognizance of it. This is a
cold, bleak night, and the poor soldiers at the out
posts must suffer from cold ; our men even suffer in
their tents. I can hardly look forward to winter
without a shudder — not that I have any anxiety for
myself, but for the private soldier, whose covering
for the night is but one thin blanket.

ALEXANDRIA, March 26, 1862.

MY DEAR SISTER: We are still at Alexandria,
expecting to embark, but not knowing exactly when,
possibly on Sunday. We bide our time patiently,
knowing that hard fighting awaits us. We are
promised the first blow, and hope to give it soon.
Yesterday the ladies at Commodore Wilkes's pre
sented the company with an elegant American flag
for a guidon. I told them I would never return
unless the flag did, and the promise shall be kept.

General McDowell reviewed his corps yester
day. It is forty thousand strong, and has sixty-
eight pieces of artillery. As he was riding along he
asked, " Which is Upton's battery?" which shows
I am known to him. Give me one chance, and I
shall be quite contented ; and, if I don't acquit myself
with honor, you will never see me again.

It does not fall within the scope of this memoir
to analyze or to discuss the great campaigns of the
war, and it is sufficient for our purpose, in describ
ing the fortunes of a junior officer, to give a mere
outline of the important movements, dwelling alone

60 Emory Upton.

on those events which had their influence in his
military development, and in which he was an
actor.

The Army of the Potomac after the battle of
Bull Run was without organization and discipline.
Although its elements were as good as this country
could then furnish, it could not be made an efficient
instrument for the defense of the country, or the
suppression of the rebellion, without organization
and enforced discipline. Neither men nor officers
knew how to take care of their own health, how to
cook their rations, or to shelter themselves from in
clement weather. These things are learned only
by bitter experience. The reports of the regiment
al and other commanders of the Army of the Poto
mac, of the chief medical officer, the quartermaster-
general, the commissary-general, and other staff-
officers, if attentively read, will be found full of in
struction on these points. They clearly show that
an army is something more than a body of armed
and uniformed citizens gathered in haste from their
civil pursuits.

From the time when McClellan took command
of the Army of the Potomac until it moved to the
Peninsula the improvement in its efficiency was
marked and permanent. Without this improvement
it never could have so well performed its allotted
task, nor become the great dependence upon which
the Government could with security rely.

McDowell's corps, originally intended to form
part of the army by which McClellan was to ad
vance on Richmond by way of the James River
Peninsula, was, at the last moment, retained as a

Active Service as a Subaltern. 61

cover to Washington. Upton's battery belonged
to Franklin's division of this corps, and it was not
until April 22d that this division reported to Mc-
Clellan at Yorktown. On May /th it effected a
landing at West Point, Va., overcoming at that
place a spirited resistance on the part of the enemy.
In this engagement Upton handled his battery with
coolness, and it was commended for its excellent
firing by General Franklin in his report. Upton was
now where he had all along desired to be — in actual
service, in the command of a battery of artillery.
The reputation of a battery is that of its captain.
The latter must be cool yet resolute, quick of eye,
decided in character, incapable of demoralization,
and daring enough to gather all the fruits w^hich his
position and opportunities offer. These traits Up
ton possessed thoroughly. He had that coup d'ceil
militaire which enabled him at a glance to gather
in all the peculiarities of the military position, and
which were at once indelibly printed in his mind,
ready for utilization at the critical moment. The
uproar of battle steadied him and gave him the
full and active possession of his faculties. It is to
these qualities we must attribute the high praise
which his conduct evoked on the part of every
commander with whom he served.

From West Point he moved with Franklin's
division to the Chickahominy ; and at the battle of
Gaines Mills, June 27th, we find his battery assigned
to the brigade of General John Newton, and with
it participating in the action, doing excellent serv
ice in this stubborn contest.

During the seven days' battle on the retreat to

62 Emory Upton.

the James River, Upton's battery performed a dis
tinguished part, especially at the battle of Glendale
or Charles City Cross-roads. In this action Upton
was in Slocum's division of the Sixth Corps, who
says in his report of the battle that " the artillery
commanded by Upton and Porter was exceedingly
well served," and that " the position was mainly de
fended by the artillery, which on this, as on all
other occasions, was most admirably served. Of
Upton's battery (D), Second Artillery, and Porter's
battery (A), First Massachusetts Artillery, I can
not speak too highly. The officers and men of both
these batteries have on all occasions manifested that
coolness and bravery so necessary to this branch of
the service."

We next hear of Upton through the official re
ports at Crampton's Gap, Md. In the mean time
McClellan's army had been withdrawn from the
James ; Pope had fought unsuccessfully the second
battle of Bull Run ; and McClellan had again been
put in command of the Army of the Potomac, and
was following after Lee, to cut him off or bring him
to battle, during his invasion of Maryland. The
affair at Crampton's Gap, September 14, 1862, was
one of the minor actions preliminary to Antietam,
September 17, 1862. Upton was at that time in
command of the Artillery Brigade of four batteries,
twenty-six guns, of the First Division of the Sixth
Army Corps. He had obtained this position as a
just reward for his success in the previous cam
paign, and the promotion being within the prov
ince of his immediate commanders to bestow, was
a marked evidence of his own merit. His letters

Active Service as a Subaltern. 63

and the extracts from official reports show clearly
the part he had taken in the Antietam campaign.

CAMP NEAR BAKERSVILLE, MD., September 27, 1862.
MY DEAR SISTER: The pleasant campaign of
Maryland has closed with the expulsion of the rebel
invaders. From the time we left Alexandria (the
second day after my return) till the close of the
battle of Antietam, I never spent any hours more
agreeably or enjoyed myself better. We lived well,
marched through a lovely country, had beautiful
weather, magnificent scenery, and above all two
glorious battles. At the battle of Crampton's Gap,
although not actively engaged, I was under fire. It
was, however, at the battle of Antietam that I had
full swing. The artillery is a pretty arm, and makes
a great deal of noise. From 2 p. M. till dark we fed
the rebels on shells, spherical case, and solid shot.
They did not appreciate our kindness, and enter
tained us in like manner. Shells and case-shot I
don't care anything about, but round shot are great
demoralizers. The sharp-shooters were very busy
all the time, and annoyed us very much. I took
my field-glass and stepped behind a gate-post to
rest it, so that I could get a steady view. The in
stant I got behind it, the post was struck by a
Minie-ball. It is no exaggeration to say that I was
fired at a dozen times during the day. The infantry
fighting was terrible. I do not believe there has
been harder fighting this century than that between
Hooker and the rebels in the morning. I have
heard of the " dead lying in heaps," but never saw
it till at this battle. Whole ranks fell together.

64 Emory Upton.

The trials of some of the wounded were horrible.
I did not know it at the time, but, during all our fir
ing, a wounded rebel lay under a fence about forty
feet in front of the muzzles of our guns. Between
their roar and the bursting shells from his own
friends, the poor fellow must have suffered beyond
conception. One of our captains lay wounded in a
brick school-house, through which several of our
shells and solid shot passed, hurling the bricks in
every direction, but, strange to say, not injuring him.
He died of his wound the next day. His dying
message was to tell his friends that " he had been
in nine battles, and that he died a brave man." A
good soldier.

In regard to the part played by Upton at Antie-
tam, Colonel Irving, one of the brigade command
ers of the Second Division of the Sixth Corps, re
ports :

"About half-past four o'clock, Captain Upton,
Chief of Artillery of Slocum's division, rode to my
line, and, after we had examined the ground in front
of the left attentively, I decided to accept the bat
tery which he earnestly advised me to have placed
there. Not a minute could be lost; the enemy were
massing in front with the evident design of throw
ing a powerful column against my left, and they
could not be seen except from that part of the line.
I instantly sent word to Major-General [Wm. F.]
Baldy Smith, who approved the movement, and I
requested Captain Upton to order up the battery,
which came into action very promptly and opened
with three rifled guns, which, after playing on the

Active Service as a Subaltern. 65

masses of the enemy with great effect for half an
hour, were withdrawn, and their places supplied by
a battery of Napoleon guns, the fire of which was
very destructive ; these guns were of inestimable
value to us, and the coolness and the precision with
which they were served deserve the highest com
mendation, and it gives me great pleasure to ac
knowledge how much I was indebted to Captain
Upton, and to the officers and men under his com
mand."

CHAPTER IV.

SERVICE AS A REGIMENTAL AND BRIGADE COM
MANDER.

UPTON'S peculiar fitness for the profession of
arms was evident to all who came in contact with
him, and the impression made by his intrepidity in
battle was not easy to forget. The attention of
the authorities of the State of New York was
early directed toward those officers of the regular
army who were fit to command its regiments, and
likely to reflect honor upon the State ; and the
choice fell upon Upton for the command of the
One Hundred and Twenty-first Regiment, New
York Volunteers. This regiment had been raised
in Herkimer and Otsego Counties, in obedience to
the call of the President in August, 1862, for three
hundred thousand volunteers. By August 3Oth the
regiment was ready to leave for the front, under the
command of Colonel Richard Franchot. On the
3d of September it reached Washington ; on the
I4th and i/th it participated in the battles of Cramp-
, ton's Gap and Antietam, and on the 23d of October
I it received its new colonel, Emory Upton, who had
been so commissioned by Governor Fenton on the
9th of October. One of the first to congratulate the
young colonel and to commend the regiment to his

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 6j

best devotion was its first commander, Colonel
Franchot, who, having been elected to Congress,
relinquished the command to take his seat as a Rep
resentative. Upton had, however, been ordered,
August I4th, to duty at the Military Academy,
which order was, to his great gratification, revoked
to enable him to take command of his regiment.
From this time, therefore, his connection with the
regular army was merely that of his regimental
rank as an artillery-officer, and his subsequent career
was identified with the volunteers.

The rank and file of his regiment were made
up of the best men the country then produced—
men of brawn and muscle, urged by the highest
patriotism to enlist for a service that promised
hard fighting and the severest trials. They de
serve the highest commendation, and they made
for themselves a glorious record. Engaged in
every battle fought by the Army of the Potomac
from Antietam to the close of the war, their de
votion was attested by their constantly thinned
ranks and the honorable scars of the survivors.
They were readily amenable to the strict discipline
needed for success, and heartily gave unques
tioned obedience to the gallant soldier who was
their animating spirit and led their advance in the
assault.

On the occasion of the reunion of the survivors
of the regiment in 1878, Major Douglas Campbell
gave fitting testimony as to the causes which con
tributed to the gratifying record attained by the
regiment while under the command of Colonel Up
ton. He says :

68 Emory Upton.

" This record was not the result of chance ; it
was due mainly to two causes : The first Avas the
material of which the regiment was composed ; men
who went out to fight for principle must make good
soldiers. The second was the influence of the man
that we were fortunate enough to secure as our
leader. Earnestness is the chief secret of success in
life ; of all the men that I have ever met, no one was
more thoroughly in earnest than Colonel Upton.
Bred at West Point, he was but twenty-two years
of age when he donned the eagles and the badge of
the One Hundred and Twenty-first. The first day
he made to the officers a little speech about what he
expected of the regiment. I went away feeling that
we had indeed found a man. How the regiment
was affected is shown by its subsequent record. At
first some of the boys thought he was severe in dis
cipline and drill ; but when people began flocking
from distant encampments to witness our dress pa
rades, and when in battle they saw the regiment
standing like a solid wall, these very men thanked
the colonel. In discipline he was stern, but it was
only the sternness of a soldier; below it was as
warm a heart as ever beat. When we lay for that
fearful night at Belle Plain Landing, without tents,
fire, or food, in sleet and mud, which froze before
morning to a solid mass, the field-officers alone had
a tent. Upton gave up his couch to a sick lieuten
ant, and, rolled in a blanket, lay upon the ground.
A day or so afterward I heard a conversation be
tween the officers who occupied the tent. The
others, it seems, rested comfortably, but Upton
said he could not sleep, thinking of the poor fellows

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 69

outside who had no shelter. You remember that
when he joined us we had a very large sick list.
Upton came to us from a battery of regular artil
lery, and for some days was absent a large portion
of the time. We supposed he was visiting his old
associates. A few weeks afterward I met a friend
who belonged to a regular regiment. He said to
me : ' What is the colonel of your regiment doing ? Is
he studying medicine?' I asked what he meant,
and he replied, ' Why, for a long time he came over
here almost every day, and passed his whole time in
our hospitals, talking to our surgeons, and studying
our medical system.' That explained why the
health of the regiment improved so rapidly after
he took command. In those early days I remember
seeing a sentinel, who for some fault had been sent
ior to his tent, coming out crying as if his heart
would break. When he could speak, I asked him
what was the matter, and through his tears he an
swered : ' The colonel has been talking to me about
allowing my gun to be taken away on post. He
spoke of the danger which might come to the army
from neglect of duty like that, and spoke in such a
way that I felt as if I were unworthy to be a soldier.
He said he would not punish me, but I would rather
spend a month in the guard-house than have him
look and talk so.' That soldier never failed in his
duty afterward. Such was our colonel in camp-
watchful of his men, studious of their health and
comfort, kind-hearted as a woman ; but in battle he
was terrible. You all know that, however, as well
as or better than I do. The regiment went every
where, but he was always in advance. Were he

7o Emory Upton.

here, I should have said nothing of all this, for he is
as modest as he is brave ; but, as he is absent, I
could not refrain from rendering to his services my
little tribute of praise. Certainly in this, the first
address at our reunion, it is not out of place to ex
press our gratitude to the man who helped so large
ly to make this regiment what it was."

The testimony given by Major Campbell is in
keeping with Upton's well-known traits of charac
ter. He was ever alive to the wants and necessities
of his men. He jealously guarded their interests,
and never for a moment lost sight of anything that
would conduce to their health and comfort; but he
likewise exacted of them that prompt and unhesi
tating obedience without which proper discipline
can not be maintained. The following letter shows
how well Major Campbell had estimated the char-
acter of his new colonel :

BELLE PLAIN, VA., December 7, 1862.

MY DEAR SISTER: We marched from Stafford
Court-House to White Oak Church three days ago.
Day before yesterday our brigade marched to this
point, the confluence of the Potomac River and Poto
mac Creek. When we arrived it was snowing and
quite cold, and we had to encamp on the plain.
There were no woods to break the wind, no wood to
build fires, and the men were wet to the skin ; the
ground was covered with snow and water, and with
but a thin shelter-tent over their heads, and nothing
but the cold ground to lie on and one blanket for a
covering, you can imagine how the poor soldiers

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 71

fared that night. Yesterday it was clear and cold,
and last night colder than any night last winter
The ice froze thick enough to bear a horse. To
day I took the regiment from the plain to the
woods — dense cedar and a high ridge — to protect
them from the wind, and to-night they are very
comfortable, although it is still very cold. I like
the regiment very much. The men know that they
will be taken care of, and they are quite contented.

His new regiment formed a part of the brigade
in which he had \von distinction, and this more
prominent command called out all the energy of
his mind and body. In the battle of Fredericksburg,
December 13, 1862, he had an opportunity of test
ing the soldierly qualities of his men. Here his gal
lant bearing and coolness under fire were so strik
ing that he won the affection of his men, and they
behaved so like veterans that mutual confidence
was from that time well established.

The first time that his regiment engaged the
enemy seriously was in the battle of Salem Heights,
May 3, 1863. His official report to the brigade
commander says :

" The regiment was deployed to the left of the
plank road, about three miles from Fredericksburg,
and had advanced in line of battle nearly a mile
when it came upon our skirmishers in the edge of a
belt of timber, about three hundred yards through,
beyond which was Salem Chapel. The skirmish
ers reported the enemy in line of battle in the
opposite edge of the woods.

72 Emory Upton.

"About 5.30 P. M. I received an order to push
rapidly through the woods and engage the enemy,
who were supposed to be hastily withdrawing. I
sent the report of the enemy's position to the gen
eral commanding the brigade, and immediately ad
vanced the line. The regiment advanced steadily
to within fifty yards of the opening, when it was
assailed by a heavy fire of musketry from the en
emy concealed behind a ditch. The fire was re
ceived without creating the slightest confusion.
The regiment moved forward with a cheer about
twenty yards farther. The enemy opposite the
center and left wing broke, but rallied again about
twenty or thirty yards to his rear. The Ninety-
sixth Pennsylvania now came up to our left and the
Twenty-third New Jersey to our right, but opened
fire before coming on our line. Lieutenant-Colonel
Olcott endeavored to have the Twenty-third New
Jersey charge, but without success. The firing
became very heavy on both sides, and was main
tained about five minutes. It was impossible to
remain longer.

" Having lost nearly two hundred in killed and
wounded, the regiment fell back to a crest four hun
dred and fifty yards this side of the woods, where
the colors were planted. ... It was the first time
the regiment had ever been in action. It went into
the engagement with four hundred and fifty-three,
and suffered a loss of forty-four killed, one hundred
and fifteen wounded, and one hundred and ten miss
ing, making a total of two hundred and sixty-nine.
Notwithstanding the severe loss inflicted, it came
out of the action without any demoralization, and is

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 73

again ready for any service that may be imposed
upon it."

General Bartlett says:

" Colonel E. Upton, commanding the One Hun
dred and Twenty-first New York, in the battle of
Salem Heights, led his regiment into action in a
masterly and fearless manner, and maintained the
unequal contest to the last with unflinching nerve
and marked ability, and the men of his regiment, in
this, their first battle, won for themselves the proud
title of soldiers."

Shortly after the battle of Chancellorsville, Lee
undertook the second invasion of Maryland, and
pushed forward into Pennsylvania. The command
of the Army of the Potomac had fallen to General
Meade, and the sequence of events brought the
opposing forces into conflict in the decisive battle
of Gettysburg. Colonel Upton's regiment, forming
a part of the Sixth Corps, reached the battle-field
on. the afternoon of the 2d of July, after a forced
march, but yet in time to render important service
to the hard-pressed Union left flank.

The following letter shows how fully he appre
ciated the importance of the events in which he
participated :

GETTYSBURG, PA., July 4, 1863.

MY DEAR SISTER : Yesterday was a glorious day
for the country and the Army of the Potomac. Lee
attacked our army in position about 2 P. M., and was
completely repulsed, with a loss of three brigadier-
generals, thirty stands of colors, three thousand
4

74 Emory Upton.

prisoners, and a heavy loss in killed and wounded.
The blow fell on the Second Corps, which has
greatly distinguished itself. The battle began on
the ist; Major-General Reynolds was killed that
day, and his corps badly cut up. On the 2d, Lee
attacked, and was repulsed all around. The Sixth
Corps, on the night of the ist, lay at Manchester.
It commenced its march for Gettysburg about 10
p. M., and arrived here about 4 P. M. on the 2d, a
distance of thirty-two miles. We arrived just in
time to re-enforce our left, which was hard pressed
by Longstreet, and slowly giving way. Ten min
utes later, and the battle had been lost.

Lee's attack yesterday was imposing and sub
lime. For about ten minutes I watched the con
test, when it seemed that the weight of a hair would
have turned the scales. Our men fought most gal
lantly. The rebels began to give way, and soon re
treated in utter confusion. Shortly after, the enemy
on our left also retreated. I think Lee will evacu
ate Maryland and Pennsylvania at once. He sought
this battle, and was badly whipped. If we are re-
enforced, he will suffer terribly before recrossing
the Potomac. Generals Hancock and Gibbon were
wounded yesterday. Generals Paul* and Weed
were killed on the 2d. Our entire loss is about
twelve thousand killed and wounded ; the rebel loss
in killed, wounded, and prisoners, will be between
fifteen and twenty thousand. Kilpatrick lost some
prisoners yesterday, but he won a splendid reputa
tion. General Bartlett has taken command of New-

* A pardonable error ; General Paul being so severely wounded as
to give at the time no hope of his recovery.

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 75

ton's old division, and to-day I was assigned to the
command of his brigade by order of General Wright.
The command of a brigade is a half-way step between
colonel and brigadier-general, and I shall try to
take the full step in the next battle. Our division
has been considerably under fire during the battle,
but was not actively engaged. Some were struck,
but none killed.

If possible, we ought to fight Lee not far from
Hagerstown, and also immediately after he crosses
the Potomac. By judicious management, he must
go back to Virginia. Yesterday's contest seems the
decisive battle of the war. Our men are in good
spirits over the success. The Sixth Corps marched
from Fairfax Court-House to this place in six days,
a distance of one hundred and nine miles, eighteen
miles per day.

How is brother Henry's shoulder? Have him
keep perfectly quiet, and not think of returning un
til able to do duty.

After the decisive struggle at Gettysburg, the
enemy succeeded in recrossing the Potomac, and in
taking up again a defensive position. They were
closely pressed by the Union troops in their retreat,
and, for a while, both armies waited each other's
movements without showing any disposition to take
the initiative. Upton's letters give clearly the
sequence of events in which he was engaged, and
the active thoughts which occupied his mind are
happily expressed in terse and vigorous language.
It is to be remembered that the criticisms in which
he indulges in the private letters to his home are

76 Emory Upton.

not the results of subsequent digested study when
the whole field was clearly presented to his view,
but the rapid conclusions which his active and
brilliant military mind abstracted from passing- oc
currences based on the fragmentary knowledge he
possessed of what was going on throughout the

theatre of war.

NEW BALTIMORE, VA., August 6, 1863.

MY DEAR SISTER : I have seldom seen, even in
Virginia, so hot a day as this. The heat penetrates
everywhere, and in the shade one tosses about in
vain to seek comfort. Once in a while a cool cur
rent of air passes over us, but very rarely. It was
the same kind of weather we had at Harrison's
Landing, only in a greater degree. Our locality is
much healthier, on account of its elevation. We
are about twenty miles from the Blue Ridge, and
exactly at the southern terminus of Bull Run, or
Pignut Mountains. The rest of the division is at
Warrenton. My brigade and a battery of artillery
hold this point, and you see, therefore, that it is
quite a responsible command. Mosby, with his
guerrillas, infests this locality, and if he becomes im
pertinent he may get chastised, but I do not think
there will be much trouble. Both armies seem to
have taken a defensive position, and are gathering
themselves for the storm that will burst upon them
probably in November. I think it decidedly good
policy on our part to wait. Our armies at all points
should be re-enforced so as to far outnumber the
enemy. In the next struggle there ought not to be
the possibility of defeat. We have got men enough,
and we have only to bring them out. In future, the

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 77

hardest fighting will be in the East. This is neces
sarily so, from the fact that in the West our lines of
communication are so long that the various armies
have to pay the utmost attention to guarding them.
Grant can scarcely move from Vicksburg ; his first
objective would be Meridian, one hundred and fifty
miles. The enemy might not fight there, but fall
back behind the Tombigbee, and dispute its passage.
If Grant goes to Mobile, his operations would have
to cease with its capture, for the next point to be
taken would be Montgomery, as far distant as Me
ridian. This could be accomplished with adequate
force, but can't we better employ what we have?
I'll answer that, after looking to Rosecrans. Rose-
crans has from the first been paralyzed by his long
line of communications. I do not see how he can
advance, except by accumulating supplies sufficient
to last six months, independent of communications.
These would have to be collected at Tullahoma,
which would have to be intrenched and guarded by
a large and brave garrison. Nashville would be
too far in his rear for this depot. These supplies
accumulated at Tullahoma would form a new base
of operations. His army could push on to Chatta
nooga, and, sooner or later, to Atlanta, surely as far
as Dalton. I do not think it would pay to move
even farther south than Dalton, Georgia.

The Army of the Potomac is in Virginia. You
now have the present position of affairs. Now
where shall we strike? Grant has about ninety
thousand men, Banks say forty thousand. Detach
twenty-five thousand from Grant to Banks. The
latter, with the gunboats, should be able to keep the

78 Emory Upton.

Mississippi River clear. Now assemble all the water
transportation (impress it, of course) the Govern
ment can find at Vicksburg, sufficient for the re
maining sixty-five thousand of Grant's force. The
enemy will expect, of course, that he will attack
Mobile. Let him effect a landing thereabout ; let
the gunboats attack the forts at the entrance of the
harbor, but let his main fleet continue on its course
to Port Royal, South Carolina, and then let him
come down upon the rear of Charleston. His feint
at Mobile, if well played, would deceive the enemy
so long that he could not transfer his troops by rail
in time to avert the disaster at Charleston. You
may not see what is to be gained by possessing
Charleston. In the first place, it is their principal
harbor for blockade-runners. Secessionists admit
that prices of all foreign articles would be doubled.
The moral effect would be great on both sides, but
all this would be insignificant compared with its
strategical importance. Once ours, the army would
move rapidly upon Augusta, which, if accomplished,
would, like Vicksburg, again divide the Confeder
acy. Lee's army would be completely isolated from
Bragg and Johnston. The conclusion of the rebel
lion would speedily follow. The rebels are in a bad
plight. In their place, I think I would now re-en
force Lee to such an extent from Bragg and John
ston that he could take the offensive against this
army and drive it back to Washington. They could
then be again returned south, and might arrive in
time to save Charleston, should it be our plan to
attack it. They can safely withdraw troops from
the West, just on account of the difficulty we expe-

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 79

rience in feeding our armies. That the rebellion
will be crushed does not admit of a doubt. The
action of the Government in reference to drafting
is manly, and inspires us with confidence in its ulti
mate success. I have branched off a little in this
letter because you have often requested it. I do
not expect that the plan proposed will be adopted,
but it will do no harm to speculate — perhaps I may
be right ; if so, of course it would strengthen my
confidence in my judgment.

WARRENTON, VA., November 6, 1863.
DEAR BROTHER : We are again around this " se-
cesh " town, which we left about September I2th.
We then marched to the Rapidan. The rebel forti
fications appearing too formidable, Meade did not
attack. Lee then began a series of manoeuvres
\vhich (I can, but ought not to criticise) threw us
back behind Bull Run. Lee fell back immediately
without trying to force battle. We followed up
leisurely to this point, where we arrived October

20th.

I sometimes get discouraged because of our not
accomplishing decided results, but patience is a
military as well as a social virtue, and therefore I
continue to hope. I am reading " Plutarch's Lives,"
and I can not fail to see the charm success lends to
military life. Victorious in every battle, courage
rewarded in every struggle, who could not follow
a Caesar or a Napoleon ? Success begets confidence
and resolution, which is a battle half won. No sol
dier in the world can equal the American, if prop
erly commanded. He possesses all the enthusiasm

8o Emory Upton,

of the French, and the bull-dog tenacity which has
always characterized the English. He only wants
a general who can call out his good qualities, or
one who comprehends his nature. I think our
generals betray in some instances total ignorance
of human nature. They fail to appeal to the emo
tions or passions of their men. You know not
the good a single word does a soldier when he
is under fire. He feels that his commanding offi
cer is directing him and looking at his actions. I
have never heard our generals utter a word of en
couragement, either before or after entering a bat
tle. I have never seen them ride along the lines
and tell each regiment that it held an important
position, and that it was expected to hold it to the
last. I have never heard them appeal to the love
every soldier has for his colors or to his patriot
ism. Neither have I ever seen a general thank his
troops after the action for the gallantry they have
displayed.

My brief experience has taught me the value of
a few words. At Blackburn's Ford, July 18, 1861,
I appealed to the patriotism of the Twelfth New
York. The way they fought after it assured me
that they appreciated the remarks. But the most
striking instance occurred at Gettysburg. We
came on to the field about 4 P. M., and were held in
reserve until about 6 p. M. We were then moved
up to the left to support the Third and Fifth Corps,
which had been repulsed. The men were tired,
weary, and foot-sore. They had marched, since 10
P. M. the preceding night, thirty-two miles. Stray
bullets were passing over our heads when I turned

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 81

to address them. You know I am but poorly gifted
with speech, but I felt the fate of the nation de
pended upon the issue of that battle. A feeling of
enthusiasm possessed me so electrifying that, for
the first time in my life, words and actions came to
me spontaneously. In a few words, I told them
how momentous was the issue, how much the coun
try expected of us. I appealed to their pride and
patriotism ; I promised to lead, and asked them to
follow. Their eyes kindled, order replaced de
spondency, and the noble fellows burst out into a
cheer that would have raised the hair of a con
fronting rebel. From that instant I had as much
confidence in them as in myself. How well they
fought is attested by the battle of Salem Chapel.
Of four hundred and fifty-three taken into action,
two hundred and twenty-seven were killed and
wounded, and this in their first fight. The killed
amounted to eighty. Of these, sixty-two were left
dead on the field ; seventeen were from one com
pany. How short the range, is shown by the ratio
of killed to wounded (eighty to one hundred and
forty-seven, or less than one to two), whereas the
usual ratio is one to four or five. Nearly the whole
loss was inflicted at a range varying between four
and eight rods, and in the space of about five min
utes. The conduct of the regiment challenged the
admiration of the enemy, but it was not mentioned
by our commanders, where others with a loss little
more than half as large were mentioned in the high
est terms.

I had expected brother Henry to return to-day,
but he has not yet arrived. He had a most severe

82 Emory Upton.

wound, and has borne it like a hero. His courage
in battle is of the highest order.

Upton, although now in command of a brigade,
had not yet attained the actual rank of a brigadier-
general. He could not be blind to his own fitness
for the desired promotion, and, although he shows
in his letters of this period a restiveness because of
the delay in the only recognition which the Gov
ernment could bestow, he never failed to do his
whole duty in whatever service he was called upon
to perform. In the assault of the rebel intrench-
ments, or tcte de pout, at Rappahannock Station, he
led his Second Brigade of the First Division of the
Sixth Corps again to victory. In this action, his
clear perception, ready courage, the rare skill with
which he led his brigade, gained for it a brilliant
victory over a much superior enemy, both in num
bers and strength of position. His own story, told
with the modesty of a hero, and with a due appre
ciation of the great soldierly qualities of his immedi
ate commander, General David A. Russell, is thus
graphically related :

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, November 15, 1863.
MY DEAR SISTER: Doubtless you have seen
through the papers that this brigade has been en
gaged with the enemy, and that it met with aston
ishing success. There are many accounts of the
battle extant, but I will give you the true version,
believing it will interest you all. Our division left
Warrenton at daylight on the ;th. General Bart-
lett being ordered to the Fifth Corps, I fell in com-

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 83

mand of the brigade. We marched to the railroad
near Rappahannock Station, halted there till dusk,
when the fight began. From one o'clock till sun
set there was considerable artillery-firing and skir
mishing, but no serious loss was inflicted on either
side. At dusk, General Russell, who commanded
the division, conceived the idea of capturing the
enemy's works by a coup-de-main. To this end he
brought forward one regiment apparently to relieve
the skirmishers, who had been in the front all day,
and another to act as a support. The enemy saw
the \vhole operation, but supposing it simply a re
lief, paid but little attention to the matter. The
first or old line of skirmishers were notified of the
intention, the second line came up to where the first
lay, when both rushed upon the enemy's redoubts,
and were almost inside before the enemy recovered
from his astonishment. This gallant attack was
made by the Sixth Maine, which suffered very
heavily, the Filth Wisconsin, and two companies of
the One Hundred and Twenty-first New York.
Four guns, one color, and two hundred prisoners
were captured upon the spot. The bridge, by which
the enemy maintained communication with the
south bank of the river, was now commanded by
our men, who held the redoubts. Seeing his re
treat thus intercepted, the enemy made desperate
efforts to recapture the works, and had well-nigh
succeeded, when General Russell sent me an order
to bring forward two of my regiments to his assist
ance. The One Hundred and Twenty-first New
York and Fifth Maine were in the first line ; I im
mediately ordered them forward, and, to avoid any

84 Emory Upton.

delay, directed them to load while marching; this
done, telling them we were wanted to help hold the
works captured, they took the double-quick and
soon arrived to the support of our hard-pressed
comrades. Upon arriving, General Russell pointed
out a rifle-pit from which the enemy maintained an
enfilading fire, and he ordered me to charge the
rifle-pit and hold it. The work was on the summit
of a gently rising knoll. Their banners could be
plainly seen outstanding against the sky, while their
saucy heads appearing everywhere above the para
pets forewarned us how deadly might be our task.
My orders were distinct: it remained to execute
them in the safest, surest, and most satisfactory
manner. Under cover of darkness we formed within
a hundred yards of their works. I told the Fifth
Maine that the troops from Maine had won laurels
on every field, and that the gallant Fifth must not
be behind them. A few words to the One Hun
dred and Twenty-first New York sufficed to rouse
their determination to the highest pitch. I directed
them to unsling knapsacks and fix bayonets. Then
giving the strictest orders not to fire, we advanced
at quick time to within thirty yards of the rifle-pit,
when the order to charge was given. The work
was carried at the point of the bayonet. The
enemy fought stubbornly over their colors, but
were overpowered. To execute my orders we had
only to remain where we were, but a more brilliant
success was in store. The celebrated Louisiana
brigade of Stonewall Jackson's old division lay be
hind the rifle-pits to our right. On their banners
were inscribed " Cedar Run," " Manassas second,"

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 85

" Winchester," " Harper's Ferry," " Sharpsburg,"
" Fredericksburg," " Chancellorsville," and " Gettys
burg." Word was brought me that the enemy
on our right was in confusion ; he could also be
seen apparently moving to his rear. Without wait
ing for further orders, I sent Captain Hall of the
staff to report to General Russell that we had per.
formed the task assigned to us and made immedi
ate dispositions to attack. Major Mather, of the
One Hundred and Twenty-first New York, with a
portion of his regiment, was ordered to seize the
bridge and to arrest those who might attempt to
swim the river. Colonel Edwards, of the Fifth
Maine, with a part of his own and the One Hun
dred and Twenty-first Regiments, was ordered to
charge at double-quick and not to fire. The re
mainder of the two regiments was held in reserve,
should the enemy offer resistance. I told our men
not to fire, and stated in a loud tone that four lines
of battle were supporting us. The enemy being
deceived, supposed a vastly superior force was ad
vancing, and the entire brigade of the enemy laid
down their arms. The colonel commanding sur
rendered personally to me. These movements re
sulted in capturing seven colors, one hundred and
three commissioned officers, thirteen hundred and
thirty-seven enlisted men, and twelve hundred and
twenty-five stand of arms. It was all done after
dark, when one could not distinguish friend from
foe, and with a force numbering five hundred and
sixty-eight, officers and men included. Our total
loss in the two regiments amounted to sixty-three
killed and wounded. I think the slight loss, in a

86 Emory Upton.

great degree, may be attributed to our not firing.
The enemy hearing the orders given distinctly, con
cluded that it probably was not best to provoke
us, and therefore quietly surrendered. To General
Russell, who is one of the best and bravest officers in
our service, belongs the credit of this brilliant suc
cess. He displayed one of the finest traits of gen
eralship in selecting the time and mode of attack.
The position in the daytime could only have been
carried at a loss of at least fifteen hundred men. As
it was, our loss did not exceed three hundred, and
with a total result of four cannon, eight colors, six
teen hundred prisoners, and sixteen hundred stand
of arms.

It is believed that a great battle is soon to be
fought. Our army is in excellent condition, and will
give a good account of itself.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, November 21, 1863.
MY DEAR SISTER: We are now encamped on
John Minor Botts's estate, not far from Brandy
Station, where, perhaps, you will remember the
severe cavalry-fight took place last spring, before
the opening of the Pennsylvania campaign. Hazel
River, a beautiful stream, runs close to our camp,
and forms quite an obstacle should the enemy desire
to turn our right. The troops have made them
selves comfortable, but not with the conviction that
they were to remain here very long. It is now
storming, so whatever move may have been deter
mined on will have to be delayed till the weather
and the roads permit its execution. The general
impression is, that a terrible battle is in store for us,

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 87

but, far from wishing it deferred, the troops are, on
the contrary, anxious for it. The army is in splen
did spirits, well equipped, and confident. The suc
cess at the Rappahannock had a most electrifying
effect throughout the army, and I am sure, should
we be manoeuvred with skill, the enemy will meet
with a crushing defeat.

The gallant conduct displayed by Upton at
Rappahannock Station could not well be passed by
unrewarded, and he was therefore selected to de
liver to General Meade, commanding the Army of
the Potomac, the battle-flags captured by the Second
and Third Brigades. It is true that this appears but
an empty honor compared with the gallant deeds
which our hero had performed, but even such hon
ors as these had their great value in the increased
respect and admiration that were engendered in the
breasts of his comrades. It is, perhaps, well here
to comment upon the influences which the lack of
just and fitting rewards to successful soldiers have
upon the esprit de corps of the army.

Promotion on the field of battle is the only ex
ternal reward that properly goes hand-in-hand with
distinguished valor; and when true merit is for the
time being overlooked, and the rewards are given to
political favorites, zeal in the service, exposure in
battle, and active interest, so essential for success,
are not unfrequently replaced by lukewarmness and
indifference. It reflects the highest credit upon Up
ton's personal and soldierly character when we find,
in his private and personal letters to his relatives,
no other than a just shade of discontent, without the

88 Emory Upton.

slightest inclination to do other than his whole duty
to the country, whether the reward to which he was
clearly entitled came or not. To the true soldier
higher position in rank brings higher responsibili
ties ; and it can not be doubted that in this gallant
hero the animating spirit was far removed from self
ish ambition, but he felt, rather, the power within
him to do greater deeds of valor, with less sacrifice
to the men confided to his care, than many others
who were preferred before him on personal or politi
cal considerations. It is, therefore, eminently proper
to insert these letters, written in confidence to his
sister, and to substantiate their statements by the
commendatory letters freely offered him by his com
manders, who were gallant soldiers themselves, and
fully acquainted with his conspicuous services :

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, April 10, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : My long-expected promotion
is not forthcoming. General Meade has informed
me that without " political " influence I will never
be promoted. This consolation, however, remains,
if justice has not been done, I have ever performed
my duty faithfully and without regard to personal
safety. The recommendation of those officers whose
lives have been periled in every battle of the war
have been overweighted by the baneful influence of
the paltry politicians. . . . General Sedgwick has
urged my claims, and stated that they were supe
rior to those of any other in his corps, yet two colo
nels have been appointed over me.

Although the rank of a general may never be
conferred on me, yet I hope to leave my friends

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 89

abundant proof that I earned the honor, but that it
was unjustly withheld. The spring campaign will
soon be inaugurated. I trust General Grant will
sustain his former reputation, and administer to
General Lee such heavy blows that he may never
recover. I confess I am ready for action, and I
trust, in the coming struggle, we shall bear ourselves
like men. The Army of the Potomac deserves a
better name than it has, as we will soon prove.
May God bless our arms, and grant us victory and

peace !

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, April 18, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : There are considerable activ
ity and preparation in the army for the coming
campaign, and I think that officers and soldiers are
anxious for marching orders. Camp-life has be
come very irksome, and we welcome any change
that will break up its monotony. Excitement is
the spice of a soldier's life, and all old troops hun
ger for it after having rested for a long time. I
do not expect a battle before the first of May,
perhaps the middle, but we all are convinced that
either a most glorious or a most disastrous one
awaits us.

I trust Grant may prove himself the general
his reputation proclaims him, and that the fall of
Richmond may prove the fall of the Confederacy.
I have not fully despaired of receiving promotion,
but I have despaired of receiving it in the manner
honorable to a soldier. It is now solely the re
ward of political influence, and not of merit, and
this when a government is fighting for its own
existence.

90 Emory Upton.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, April 25, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : . . . Your views as to my
promotion reflect strongly your sisterly affection
for me, and they in no little degree enable me to
preserve my equanimity and peace of mind under
the treatment I have received.

You must remember that to expose one's self
simply to get promotion would be an unworthy act,
and therefore, in the future as in the past, I must do
my full duty with equal fearlessness. I have re
ceived of late many gratifying proofs of the confi
dence and esteem of both officers and men under
my command, and not only in my command, but
outside of it. The officers of the First Brigade of
this division were nearly unanimous in recommend
ing me for promotion, in the hope I might be as
signed to that command. Considering that their
lives to a great degree would be in my hands, espe
cially in battle, and that no motive other than their
safety and welfare could prompt such action, is it
not the highest tribute men can pay me, that they
should select me as their chosen leader in the hour
of battle? The compliment is the more gratifying
as coming from the New Jersey brigade, preferring
me over every colonel from their State. The rec
ommendation will not be forwarded, but it will
serve to show the opinion of the officers of this
division. Would the President consult the views
of my superior officers, whose reputation depends
upon my conduct to a certain degree, or those offi
cers whose lives are in my hands in action, my pro
motion would not be withheld. I ought to have
had it a year ago. Should anything befall me in the

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 91

struggle about to ensue, my friends will not be per
mitted the slight satisfaction that I had risen to the
rank of a general officer. But you shall never blush
at my conduct. I shall do my duty faithfully, and I
shall leave behind a record to which you can always
refer with pride and satisfaction. . . . We are expect
ing to move soon. Our army is in fine condition,
and I have no doubt that the bloodiest battle of the
war will be fought in a few days. General Grant is
well liked, and, as he is taking time to prepare his
campaign, there is strong probability of his success.

General Upton remained in command of the
Second Brigade in all the operations of the Army
of the Potomac from Mine Run, November 26,
1863, to December 3, 1863, and participated in all
of the preliminary movements and skirmishes pre
vious to the inauguration of General Grant's over
land campaign from the Rapidan in May, 1864.
This campaign, the bloodiest of the whole war, was
prosecuted with the utmost vigor, and will be ever
memorable for the many stubborn contests, the
great losses, the fatiguing marches, and the perti
nacity with which Grant endeavored to outflank
Lee, as well as the success of Lee in keeping his
stubborn antagonist from accomplishing his pur
pose. Historic battles and heroic incidents crowd
each other in a campaign during which the " troops
literally fought all day and marched all night."
Upton's brief and soldierly official report of the
operations of his brigade may be taken as a typical
account of this remarkable period, and for this rea
son it is inserted here without abridgment.

92 Emory Upton.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION,
SIXTH CORPS, September i, 1864.

Major HENRY R. D ALTON, Acting Assistant Adju
tant-General, First Division, Sixth Corps.
MAJOR : I have the honor to submit the follow
ing report of the operations of the Second Brigade,
during the five epochs of the campaign of the Army
of the Potomac, from the Rapidan to Petersburg :

First Epoch. — The brigade broke camp near the
Hazel River at 4 A. M., May 4, 1864, crossing the
Rapidan at Germanna Ford, and camped on the
plank-road two miles beyond.

May 5th, the march was resumed along the
plank-road toward Wilderness Tavern. The bri
gade was thrown out on a dirt-road leading to Mine
Run, to cover the right flank of the column while
passing ; shortly after it moved by the left flank,
and formed in line on the left of the corps. About
ii A. M. orders were received to advance to the
support of the Fifth Corps, then engaged with the
enemy on the Orange Court-House pike, two miles
from Wilderness Tavern.

The advance was made by the right of wings, it
being impossible to march in line of battle on ac
count of the dense pine and nearly impenetrable
thickets which met us on every hand. After over
coming great difficulties on the march, connection
was made with the right of the Fifth Corps. Lieu
tenant-Colonel Carroll, commanding Ninety-fifth
Pennsylvania Volunteers, while riding a short dis
tance in front of his regiment, came suddenly upon
a group of the enemy, who fired upon him, killing
him instantly. Two or three companies of his regi-

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 93

ment, under Captains Boyd, Burns, and Lieutenant
Gordon, immediately charged, gallantly carrying
the hill on which the enemy was posted and cap
turing about thirty prisoners. The position, al
though two hundred yards in advance of the Fifth
Corps line, was important to hold, and the line was
accordingly established there. Shortly after, the
Third Brigade connected on our right.

The woods in front and around our position had
been set on fire by the enemy to prevent our ad
vance. The ground had previously been fought
over and was strewed with wounded of both sides,
many of whom must have perished in the flames, as
corpses were found partly consumed.

Colonel Penrose, commanding Fifteenth New
Jersey Volunteers at that time, placed himself under
my command, and remained with the brigade dur
ing the rest of the epoch. His regiment behaved
under all circumstances with a steadiness indicative
of the highest state of discipline.

May 6th the brigade was ordered to attack at
daylight, but the order was countermanded ; there
was constant skirmishing during the day, but not
serious.

About 7 P. M. Lieutenant-Colonel Duffy, Assist
ant Inspector-General, brought the order to send
two regiments to the extreme right — that flank of
the corps having been turned. The One Hundred
and Twenty-first New York and the Ninety-fifth
Pennsylvania were designated, and were led on by
Lieutenant-Colonel Duffy at double-quick. While
marching, they encountered a fire from the left.
The dense undergrowth necessarily lengthened out

94 Emory Upton.

the column, and at the same time large masses of
men breaking through their ranks threw both regi
ments into unavoidable confusion. Portions of both
regiments were promptly reformed at the rifle-pits
near General Sedgwick's headquarters, then the
extreme right, and held their position firmly. As
soon as my horse could be brought after receiving
the order, I started after the two regiments, leaving
the remainder of the brigade under command of
Colonel Penrose, but before I could reach them
they had been broken. I succeeded in rallying
about half of each and advanced at once. At every
step, officers and men who were falling back stated
that there were no troops in front or on the right,
from which latter direction bullets were then com
ing. About three hundred yards to the rear was
General Morris's brigade of the Third Division
thrown back to meet the attack. I therefore moved
the two regiments back and formed on his right.
Fragments of other regiments were formed on my
right, and two companies of the Ninety-fifth Penn
sylvania were deployed as skirmishers. Finding
out, shortly after dark, the position of the remainder
of the regiments, they were united at the rifle-pits
and still continued to hold the right of the line.
Lieutenant -Colonel Olcott, commanding the One
Hundred and Twenty-first New York, while his regi
ment was reforming, rode to the front to ascertain
the position of affairs. He was discovered by the
enemy and wounded in the forehead by a musket-
ball, from the effect of which he fell from his horse
insensible and was made prisoner. An able and
gallant officer, his absence was felt throughout the

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 95

entire campaign. Lieutenant Patterson, aide-de
camp, was wounded.

About 10 P. M., the brigade leading, the corps
moved by the left flank to the pike, thence back to
near Wilderness Tavern, where a position was taken
between the pike and plank-road, and fortified on
the morning of the 7th. The withdrawal from the
front of the enemy, though but a few yards from
his line, was accomplished successfully and without
loss.

Second Epoch. — The brigade leading, the corps
moved from Wilderness Tavern at 9.30 P. M. on the
7th, via Chancellorsville to Piney Branch Church,
where half an hour was taken for breakfast. Re
suming the march on the Spottsylvania road, it
came up early in the afternoon with the Fifth Corps,
then engaging the enemy. About 6.30 P. M. it was
formed in a fourth line on the right of the road to
support an attack, but, threatening demonstrations
being made on our right flank, a change of front to
our right and rear was executed about dusk. The
brigade remained in this position during the night,
connecting on the right with Ayres's brigade of the
First Division, Fifth Corps. On the morning of the
9th it was relieved by Crawford's division of the
Fifth Corps, moved to the left of the Spottsylvania
road, took up position and fortified. During the
day several casualties occurred from artillery-fire.
On the afternoon of the loth an assault was deter
mined upon, and a column of twelve regiments was
organized, the command of which was assigned to
me.

The point of attack, which was shown me by

g 6 Emory Upton.

Captain Mackenzie, of the United States Engineers,
was at an angle of the enemy's works near the
Scott House, about half a mile to the left of the
Spottsylvania road.

The intrenchments were of a formidable charac
ter, with abatis in front and surmounted by heavy
logs, underneath which were loop-holes for mus
ketry. In the re-entrant to the right of the house
was a battery with traverses between the guns;
there were also traverses at intervals along the en
tire work. About a hundred yards to the rear was
another line of works, partly completed, and occu
pied by a second line of battle. The position was
in an open field, about two hundred yards from a
pine-wood. A wood-road led from our position
directly to the point of attack. The ground was
looked over by General Russell and myself, and the
regimental commanders were also required to see it,
that they might understand the work before them.

The column of attack was formed in four lines
of battle, four regiments being on the right and
eight on the left of the road. The regiments on the
right moved up the road by the right flank, those
on the left by the left flank, each regiment lying
down as soon as in position. The lines were ar
ranged from right to left as follows :

First line, One Hundred and Twenty-first New
York, Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania, and Fifth Maine ;
second line, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, Sixth Maine,
and Fifth Wisconsin; third line, Forty-third and
Seventy-seventh New York and One Hundred
and Nineteenth Pennsylvania ; fourth line, Second,
Fifth, and Sixth Vermont.

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 97

No commands were given in getting into posi
tion. The pieces of the first line were loaded and
capped ; those of the others were loaded but not
capped ; bayonets were fixed. The One Hundred
and Twenty-first New York and Ninety-sixth Penn
sylvania were instructed, as soon as the works were
carried, to turn to the right and charge the battery.
The Fifth Maine was to change front to the left,
and open an enfilading fire to the left upon the
enemy. The second line was to halt at the works,
and open fire to the front if necessary. The third
line was to lie down behind the second and await
orders. The fourth line was to advance to the edge
of the woods, lie down, and await the issue of the
charge. Colonel Seaver, commanding it, was in
structed that he might have to form line obliquely
to the left, and open fire to cover the left flank of
the column. All the officers were directed to repeat
the command " Forward " constantly from the com
mencement of the charge till the works were car
ried. At ten minutes before 6 p. M. Captain Dalton
brought me the order to attack as soon as the column
was formed, and stated that the artillery would
cease firing at 6 p. M. Twenty minutes elapsed be
fore all the preparations were completed, when, at
the command, the lines rose, moved noiselessly to
the edge of the wood, and, with a wild cheer and
faces averted, rushed for the works. Through a
terrible front and flank fire the column advanced,
quickly gaining the parapet. Here occurred a
deadly hand-to-hand conflict. The enemy, sitting
in their pits, with pieces upright, loaded, and with
bayonets fixed, ready to impale the first who should

98 Emory Upton.

leap over, absolutely refused to yield the ground.
The first of our men who tried to surmount the
works, fell, pierced through the head with musket-
balls ; others, seeing the fate of their comrades,
held their pieces at arm's-length and fired down
ward ; while others, poising their pieces vertically,
hurled them down upon their enemies, pinning them
to the ground.

Lieutenant Johnson, of the One Hundred and
Twenty-first New York, received a bayonet-wound
through the thigh. Private O'Donnell, Ninety-
sixth Pennsylvania, was pinned to the parapet, but
was rescued by his comrades. A private of the
Fifth Maine, having bayoneted a rebel, was fired at
by a captain, who, missing his aim, in turn shared
the same fate ; the brave man fell by a shot from a
rebel lieutenant.

The struggle lasted but a few seconds. Num
bers prevailed, and, like a resistless wave, the column
poured over the works, quickly putting hors-de-
combat those who resisted, and sending to the rear
those who surrendered. Pressing forward, and ex
panding to the right and left, the second line of in-
trenchments, its line of battle, and the battery, fell
into our hands. The column of assault had accom
plished its task : the enemy's lines were completely
broken, and an opening had been made for the di
vision which was to have supported on our left, but
it did not arrive. Re-enforcements arriving to the
enemy, our front and both flanks were assailed.
The impulsion of the charge being lost, nothing re
mained but to hold the ground. I accordingly di
rected the officers to form their men outside the

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 99

works and open fire, and then rode back over the
field to bring forward the Vermonters in the fourth
line, but they had already mingled in the contest,
and were fighting with a heroism which has ever
characterized that Mite brigade.

The Sixty-fifth New York had also marched gal
lantly to the support of its comrades, and was fight
ing stubbornly on the left. Night had arrived.
Our position was three quarters of a mile in advance
of the army, and, being without prospect of sup
port, was untenable. Meeting General Russell at
the edge of the wood, he gave me the order to
withdraw. I wrote the order and sent it along the
line by Captain Gorton, of the One Hundred and
Twenty-first New York, in accordance with which,
under cover of darkness, the works were evacuated,
the regiments returning to their former camps.

Our loss in this assault was about one thousand
in killed, wounded, and missing. The enemy lost
at least one hundred in killed at the first intrench-
ments, while a much heavier loss was sustained in
his efforts to regain them. We captured between
ten and twelve hundred prisoners and several stands
of colors. Captain Burhaus, Forty-third New York,
had two stands of colors in his hands, and is sup
posed to have been killed while coming back from
the second line of intrenchments. Many rebel pris
oners were shot by their own men in passing to the
rear over the open field. Our officers and men ac
complished all that could be expected of brave men ;
they went forward with perfect confidence, fought
with unflinching courage, and retired only upon the
receipt of a written order after having expended

ioo Emory Upton.

the ammunition of their dead and wounded com
rades.

May nth, the brigade made some unimportant
changes of position. Early on the I2th it moved
with the division toward the right flank of the army,
but to the left again at 7 A. M., arriving in rear of the
Second Corps at 9.30 A. M. The right flank of this
corps being threatened, General Russell directed me
to move to the right at double-quick to support it.
Before we could arrive, it gave way. As the Ninety-
fifth reached an elevated point of the enemy's works,
about six hundred yards to the right of the Lendrum
House, it received a heavy volley from the second
line of works. Seeing that the position was of vital
importance to hold, and that all the troops had given
way up to this point, I halted the Ninety-fifth Penn
sylvania, faced it to the front, and caused it to lie
down. Its left rested near the works connecting
with the Second Corps, while its right refused lay
behind a crest, oblique to the works. Had it given
way, the whole line of intrenchments would have
been recaptured, and the fruit of the morning's vic
tory lost, but it held the ground till the Fifth Maine
and the One Hundred and Twenty-first New York
came to its support, while the Ninety-sixth Pennsyl
vania passed on its right. Shortly after the Third
and Vermont brigades arrived, a section of Gillis's
battery, Fifth United States Artillery, under Lieu
tenant Metcalf, came up and opened fire, but was
immediately charged, and lost nearly every horse,
driver, and cannonier.

The enemy charged up to his works within a
hundred feet of the guns, but a well-directed fire

Regimental and Brigade Cofnihaitdef: 101

from the infantry behind the crest prevented his
further advance. At the point where our line di
verged from the works the opposing lines came in
contact ; but neither would give ground, and for
eighteen hours raged the most sanguinary conflict
of the war. The point remained in our possession
at the close of the struggle, and is known as the
"Angle."

The brigade was relieved at 5.30 P. M. by Colo
nel McLaughlin, of the Second Corps. Captain
Fish, Assistant-Adjutant-General of the brigade, was
killed while gallantly performing his duty early in
the action. He was a brave, zealous, patriotic offi
cer, and had distinguished himself in every battle
in which he had been engaged. Captain Lament,
of the Fifth Maine, the only one of seven captains
who escaped in the assault of the loth, was among
the killed. I desire also to mention, though not in
my brigade, Major Ellis, of the Forty-ninth New
York, and Major Truefitt, of the One Hundred and
Nineteenth Pennsylvania, who, by their gallant con
duct, excited the admiration of all. The former
received a wound from which he has since died ;
the latter was killed. The country can ill afford to
lose two such officers.

After being relieved the brigade was held in re
serve, and, after dark, was marched to the right of
General Ricketts's line, near the position occupied
on the 9th. At 12 p. M., on the I3th, the brigade
leading, the division moved to the left, in rear of
Burnside's corps, to near the Anderson House.
On the morning of the I4th it was ordered to cross
the Ny River, and seize Myer's Hill, to the left and

102 ! : 'Emoty* Upton.

front of the Fifth Corps. Before reaching the posi
tion it had been carried by the regulars, whom we
relieved.

The brigade was reduced to less than eight hun
dred, and of these, three regiments, the Fifth Maine,
One Hundred and Twenty-first New York, and
Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania, were required to con
tinue the picket-line from the Fifth Corps to the
river, leaving the Ninety-fifth Pennsylvania in re
serve. I sent a dispatch to General Wright, through
Captain Paine, signal-officer, that, if the position was
to be held, another brigade was necessary ; but it
could not be spared, and two small regiments — the
Second and Tenth New Jersey — were sent instead.
A lookout was posted on top of the house with a
field-glass to observe the enemy's movements. At
the same time a breastwork of rails was thrown up
in front of the house and out-buildings, there being
no other means of fortifying at hand.

About two hundred and fifty yards to the front
of the house was a wood, to the right of which,
eight hundred yards distant, was a high hill. To
the left of the house was a broad, open field, on the
far edge of which could be seen squads of cavalry.
About 4 P. M. the lookout discovered infantry skir
mishers on the hill described.

Apprehensive that the enemy's sharp-shooters
might occupy the point of woods nearest the house,
Colonel Lessig was directed to move forward the
Ninety-sixth and take possession. Two companies
of the Second New Jersey were sent in support,
and the remainder of the regiment sent forward to
the works. Colonel Lessig had scarcely entered the

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 103

wood before he encountered two brigades of infant
ry forming to charge our position. He immedi
ately fell back, while at the same time the Ninety-
fifth Pennsylvania and Tenth New Jersey were or
dered forward. They were barely in position when
the enemy's column emerged from the woods.
Simultaneously cavalry, with a battery of horse-ar
tillery, galloped on to the field to the left of the
house, which opened fire, nearly enfilading our line.
The enemy was received with a well-directed fire,
which checked his advance, but, coming on in supe
rior numbers, we were compelled to abandon the
position.

Our loss in killed, wounded, and missing, was
about one hundred. The enemy admitted a loss
of one hundred and sixty-one killed and wounded.
Lieutenant-Colonel Weibeck, of the Second New
Jersey, a brave officer and thorough soldier, was
killed. After dark, the position was reoccupied by
our troops.

May 1 5th and i6th, the brigade remained at
Myer's Hill. May i;th, at 8 P. M., it marched back
to the Angle, arriving at 5 A. M. on the i8th, and
returned to Myer's Hill the same evening. May
1 9th, it moved forward on Warren's left and forti
fied. At 10 P. M., the brigade leading, we marched
across the Ny River, to meet Ewell's attack. On
the morning of the 2oth we relieved part of Bir-
ney's division, our right resting on the Fredericks-
burg road. On the 2ist, at 4 P. M., we returned
to Myer's Hill, and on the same day the Second
Connecticut Heavy Artillery was assigned to the
brigade.

IO4 Emory Upton.

Third Epoch. — Marched from Myer's Hill at
10.30 P. M., May 2ist, reached Guinea Station at 1.30
p. M., May 22d, and rested four hours. Crossed the
Mattapony at 6.30 P. M., and camped at Lebanon
Church. On the 23d, resumed the march, and
camped near Jericho bridge, on the North Anna, at
1 2 P.M. The troops were much exhausted. On the
24th, crossed the North Anna at 6 A. M., and went
into position on the left of Griffin's division. On
the 25th, moved to the right, crossed the Virginia
Central Railroad at Noel's Station, and destroyed
half a mile of the track.

Fourth Epoch. — At 8 A. M., May 26th, recrossed
the North Anna, and accompanied trains to Chester
field Station, arriving at 2 P. M. Resumed the march
at 8 P. M. toward Hanovertown, crossed the Pa-
munkey at 1 1 A. M., May 27th, having made twenty-
seven miles since the previous evening. May 28th,
moved up the river two miles to rejoin the Second
and Third Divisions. May 29th, made reconnais
sance to Hanover Court-House. May 3Oth, moved
at daylight toward Richmond, and bivouacked
near Atlee Station, seven miles from Mechanicsville.
Marched at i A. M., June ist, for Cold Harbor, ar
riving at 1 1 A. M.

At 5 p. M., the brigade connecting with Ricketts's
division on the right and the Third Brigade on the
left was formed in four lines, preparatory to an as
sault upon the enemy's intrenchments on the Rich
mond road. The guide was to be left. The Second
Connecticut, under Colonel Kellogg, was drawn up
in column by battalion, forming the front three
lines. The Fifth Maine, Ninety-fifth and Ninety-

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 105

sixth Pennsylvania, and One Hundred and Twenty-
first New York, formed the fourth line.

At 6 p. M., General Ricketts advanced, and, no
movement taking place on my left, I directed Colo
nel Kellogg to move forward ; shortly after which
Lieutenant-Colonel McMahon, assistant-adjutant-
general of the corps, brought me the order to ad
vance, without regard to the guide. The Second
Connecticut, anxious to prove its courage, moved
to the assault in beautiful order. Crossing an open
field, it entered a pine-wood, passed down a gentle
declivity, and up a slight ascent. Here the charge
was checked. For seventy feet in front of the
works the trees had been felled, interlocking with
each other, and barring all further advance. Two
paths, several yards apart, and wide enough for four
men to march abreast, led through the obstructions.
Up these, to the foot of the works, the brave men
rushed, but were swept away by a converging fire,
unable to carry the intrenchments. I directed the
men to lie down, and not to return the fire. Opposite
the right of the regiment the works were carried,
and several prisoners captured, among whom was
Major McDonald, of a North Carolina regiment,
who informed me that their flank had been turned.
The regiment was then marched to the point gained,
and, moving to the left, captured the point first at
tacked. In this position, without support on either
flank, the Second Connecticut fought till 3 A. M.,
when the enemy fell back to a second line of works.

Colonel Kellogg, its brave and able commander,
fell in the assault at the head of his command. The
loss of the Second Connecticut was fifty-three killed,

io6 Emory Upton.

one hundred and eighty-seven wounded, and one
hundred and forty-six missing ; total, three hundred
and eighty-six. June $d, another assault was or
dered, but, being deemed impracticable along our
front, was not made. From the 3d to the I2th of
June the brigade lay behind intrenchments. Nearly
a constant fire was kept up by sharp-shooters, and
but few casualties occurred. Lieutenant Gordon,
of the Ninety-fifth Pennsylvania, aide-de-camp, was
dangerously wounded in the head.

Fifth Epoch. — The brigade marched at 1 1 P. M.,
June 1 2th, toward the Chickahominy. June I3th,
was detached to guard the artillery and trains ; and
then crossed the Chickahominy, at Jones's Bridge,
and encamped. Resumed the march at 6 A. M., June
I4th, and encamped near the James River at 1 1 A. M.
June lyth, at i A. M., took transports at Wilson's
Wharf ; disembarked at Bermuda Hundred at 6
A. M. ; and rejoined the corps near Point of Rocks.

June 1 8th, moved in front of the works at i A. M.
to support the attack of two brigades upon Long-
street's corps. The order of attack was counter
manded, and the brigade returned to its former
position. June iQth, marched at 5 A. M. for Peters
burg ; relieved Stannard's brigade, on the right, at
10 P. M. ; and intrenched during the night.

June 2 ist, at 9 P. M., was relieved by Stannard's
brigade, and marched across the Jerusalem plank-
road to the left of the Second Corps.

June 22d, advanced with the Second Corps ; met
the enemy, but was not engaged. Captain R. S.
Mackenzie, United States Engineers, commanding
the Second Connecticut, was wounded. An attack

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 107

was ordered at 7 P. M. ; the line advanced, but the
enemy had retired.

June 23d, several changes of position were made,
and works were constructed near Williams's House.
June 29th, at 3 P. M., marched to Reams's Station.
June 30th, destroyed track, and returned to the
Jerusalem plank-road. July 2d, returned to Will
iams's House. July loth, marched to City Point,
and took transports for Washington. The loss of
the brigade during the campaign was three hun
dred and twenty -nine killed, seven hundred and
thirteen wounded, and two hundred and sixty-three
missing ; total, fourteen hundred and five.

The officers and men endured the hardships of
the campaign with remarkable patience, while the
loss sustained sufficiently attests their gallantry.
From the members of my staff — Captains J. D. Fish
and F. G. Sanborn, and Lieutenants F. Morse, D.
Gordon, and F. G. Patterson — I received, in every
instance, prompt and gallant assistance.

Upton's report of the 'operations of his brigade
may be taken as a typical one. Grant's overland
campaign was really a continuous battle, from the
passage of the Rapidan, May 4th, till the Army of
the Potomac found itself intrenched in front of Pe
tersburg. The terrible strain to which this gallant
army had been subjected had almost reached the
limit of human endurance.

General Humphreys well says : " The inces
sant movements, day and night, for so long a pe
riod ; the constant, close contact with the enemy
during all that time ; the almost daily assaults upon

io8 Emory Upton.

intrenchments having entanglements in front, and
defended by artillery and musketry in front and
flank — exhausted officers and men. The larger part
of the officers, who literally led their commands,
were killed or wounded ; and a large number of
those that filled the ranks at the beginning of the
campaign were absent. It is unreasonable to sup
pose that the troops were not, for a time, so ex
hausted as to need rest ; and equally unreasonable
to suppose that their opponents were not in a simi
lar condition, though to a less degree, since they
had not marched so much at night, nor attacked in
trenchments." *

To this exhaustion we must, in a large measure,
attribute the following criticism of General Upton
upon the frequent assaults to which his troops had
been ordered, found in a letter describing briefly
the sequence of events, which are given in fuller
detail in his report :

June 4, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : ... I am disgusted with the
generalship displayed. Our men have, in many
instances, been foolishly and wantonly sacrificed.
Assault after assault has been ordered upon the
enemy's intrenchments, when they knew nothing
about the strength or position of the enemy. Thou
sands of lives might have been spared by the exer
cise of a little skill ; but, as it is, the courage of the
poor men is expected to obviate all difficulties. I
must confess that, so long as I see such incompe-
tency, there is no grade in the army to which I do
not aspire.

* " The Virginia Campaign, 1864 and 1865," p. 225.

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 109
And again he writes :

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, June 5, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : We are now at Cold Harbor,
where we have been since June ist. On that day we
had a murderous engagement. I say murderous, be
cause we were recklessly ordered to assault the ene
my's intrenchments, knowing neither their strength
nor position. Our loss was very heavy, and to no
purpose. Our men are brave, but can not accom
plish impossibilities. My brigade lost about three
hundred men. My horse was killed, but I escaped
unharmed. Since June ist we have been behind,
rifle-pits, about three hundred yards from the ene
my. A constant fusillade from both sides has been
kept up, and, though but little damage has been
done, it is, nevertheless, very annoying.

I am very sorry to say I have seen but little
generalship during the campaign. Some of our
corps commanders are not fit to be corporals. Lazy
and indolent, they will not even ride along their
lines ; yet, without hesitancy, they will order us to
attack the enemy, no matter what their position
or numbers. Twenty thousand of our killed and
wounded should to-day be in our ranks. But I will
cease fault-finding, and express the hope that mere
numbers will yet enable us to enter Richmond.
Please give my love to all. I am as anxious to
hear from home as you are to hear from me. The
fatigue of the campaign hardly disposes one for
letter-writing.

The severe character of these bloody contests

no Emory Upton.

can hardly be appreciated by those who were not
themselves actors in the events described.

At the battle of the " Angle," so continuous was
the firing1, that an oak-tree, over eighteen inches in
diameter, was entirely cut in two by the bullets
fired from the Union lines. A section of the re
maining stump was afterward obtained and sent to
Washington, which exhibits in a striking way the
persistent struggle in which both the enemy and
our own men engaged at this point.

The following letter gives a fuller account of
this action, and is, therefore, inserted :

FORT MONROE, August 31, 1878.

DEAR SIR : On the morning of that day, the
Sixth Corps was in rear of the right of the army,
but, on receipt of the news that Hancock's corps
had captured several thousand prisoners, and a
large portion of the works in the vicinity of the
Lendrum House, it was ordered to that point as a
support. Our brigade was at the rear of the corps,
and, when the corps got into position, occupied the
right of the line. The brigade had scarcely halted
when I received orders to move, in double time,
to the support of the right of the Second Corps.
Starting the brigade in double time, the Ninety-
fifth Pennsylvania leading, I galloped to the crest
at the " Angle," and from thence could see the
right of our troops extending along the works, to
the point where the twelve regiments of our corps
made the assault on the loth. I could also see a
second line of works, the same we encountered and
captured on the loth, about one hundred or one

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 1 1 1

hundred and fifty yards in front of the line then in
our possession. This second line appeared to be
unoccupied. After reconnoitring the position, I
rode back to the head of the Ninety-fifth, ordered
it to take a steady step, and then conducted it to
the crest, intending to pass over it, and move on to
the right of the line. But, on arriving at the crest,
I saw that the flank of the troops had been turned,
and that they had been compelled to abandon the
intrenchments to the point where I then stood. A
moment after, as the head of the Ninety-fifth, still
marching in double time, crowned the crest, it re
ceived the full fire of a line of battle, occupying
the second line of works already referred to. In
stead of attempting to go over the crest, the head
of the regiment inclined to the right, then followed
the crest until the left, or rear, rested on the works,
when I caused the men to lie down and open fire.
Had the regiment given way, there can be little
doubt that the fruits of the gallant charge of the
Second Corps in the morning would have been
lost. But, in a few moments, the One Hundred
and Twenty-first New York, the Ninety-sixth Penn
sylvania, and the Fifth Maine came to its support,
while the Jersey Brigade passed into the works on
its right. Shortly after, the whole of the First Di
vision, Sixth Corps, was engaged at the " Angle,"
and, immediately to its left, our right.

At the point where our line diverged from the
works, the Union and Confederate soldiers were
face to face. A few yards to the enemy's left (our
right) of this point were the traverses of a four-gun
battery, which had been captured in the morning.

H2 Emory Upton.

It was from between those traverses, which proved
a charnel-house to the Confederates, that they kept
up a more or less continuous fire during the day,
and, as I was informed, till nearly three o'clock
next morning, when they abandoned the position.
The tree was not the only evidence of the amount
and accuracy of our fire. The top logs of the works
and the traverses were splintered like brush-brooms,
while the oak abatis in front was completely shot
away. From 9.30 A.M. till about 5.30 P.M., when
our brigade was relieved, these traverses were im
mediately in our front, and in front of the other
brigades of the Sixth Corps, which came to our
support. To our left, the troops of the Second
Corps poured in an oblique fire toward the trav
erses. It was thus from the front fire of the Sixth
Corps, aided by an oblique fire of the Second Corps,
that the tree was undoubtedly shot down.

The "Angle" was first captured by the Second
Corps, and, during the prolonged conflict of nearly
eighteen hours, was held chiefly by the Sixth Corps.
A few days after the battle, Major-General Birney,
of the Second Corps, volunteered the information
to me that, in his official report, he would give our
brigade the credit of saving the day.

To G. NORTON GALLOWAY, Esq.,
Philadelphia.

Such conspicuous gallantry could not be passed
without official notice. Upton's commanding offi
cers, unsolicited, gave the strongest indorsements of
his fitness for a higher command, and his promotion
to the grade of brigadier-general was not long de-

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 1 1 3

layed. These recommendations are worthy of pres
ervation in this record, not only on account of the
merit they extol, but because of the soldierly gen
erosity of his immediate superiors.

General Joseph J. Bartlett, commanding the
Second Brigade of the First Division, Sixth Corps,
says:

" Colonel Upton's services in the field date from
the first battles before Manassas, as aide-de-camp to
Brigadier-General Tyler. Subsequently he was as
signed to Battery D, Second United States Artil
lery, which he commanded at West Point, Virginia,
May 7, 1862. At the battles at Gaines's Mills and
Charles City Cross-roads he commanded his bat
tery with great skill and gallantry. At the battles
of Crampton's Gap and Antietam he commanded
an artillery brigade of twenty-six guns.

" October 25, 1862, he was promoted colonel of
the One Hundred and Twenty-first New York Vol
unteers. In the subsequent battles of the Army of
the Potomac he commanded his regiment with dis
tinguished ability, and has received honorable men
tion in all of my reports, and in the reports of the
division commanders.

" Colonel Upton's conduct in the field has been
marked by a prompt and cheerful obedience to or
ders, and an untiring endeavor to elevate his com
mand to its greatest efficiency. His unswerving
integrity, his skill in the management of his regi
ment in action, his coolness and bravery under fire,
have won for him the respect of his comrades and
superior officers.

U4 Emory Upton.

"The promotion of Colonel Upton would be but
an act of justice, in consideration of his services,
and would at the same time secure in the position
of brigadier-general a faithful, conscientious, and
reliable commander."

The foregoing letter was indorsed as follows :

" Colonel Upton, who is an officer of the regular
army, has served either as commander of his regi
ment or of the Second Brigade of this division,
since my connection with the Army of the Poto
mac ; and, by the zeal, intelligence, energy, and
gallantry he has uniformly exhibited, has shown
himself fully competent for the position for which
he has been recommended. I not only take pleas
ure in presenting his claims for promotion on the
record within, but would urge his appointment on
the higher ground of the interest of the service.

"H. G. WRIGHT,

"Brigadier-General commanding First Division, Sixth
Corps."

" Colonel Upton has taken part, either as bat
tery, regimental, or brigade commander, in all the
battles in which this corps has been engaged, and
has rendered gallant and important service. At
Crampton's Pass and Antietam he was chief of artil
lery of the corps. In the battles at and near Fred-
ericksburg, in December and May last, he com
manded his regiment ; and at Gettysburg, and for
some time subsequent, he was in command of a
brigade. On all these occurrences his conduct was
admirable. His regiment is in a highly efficient

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 115

state of discipline. Colonel Upton would make an
excellent brigade commander, and I earnestly hope
he may be appointed.

" JOHN SEDGWICK,
" Major-General commanding Sixth Corps"

" I fully concur in the foregoing recommenda
tions, and trust that, in consideration of the high
qualifications Colonel Upton possesses for the posi
tion, as well as on account of the distinguished
and gallant services he has rendered during the
war, he will receive the appointment of brigadier-
general.

" GEORGE G. MEADE,
" Major-General commanding"

Numerous other attestations of his eminent serv
ices are at hand, and could be printed were they
necessary, to exhibit the strong impression that he
made upon those with whom he served.

The care which he bestowed upon his men, the
high state of discipline to which he brought his
command, the deliberate study which he made of
the positions he was directed to assault, the ample
provision he made for every contingency, the cool
daring, gallant bearing, and remarkable success
which always attended his going into action, all
combined to make him a hero to his soldiers, and
an illustrious example to his brother officers. There
was no jealousy excited when his promotion fol
lowed, for it was given for "gallant and distin
guished services," well earned, as his comrades
knew.

u6 Emory Upton.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, Jime 7, 1864.
MY DEAR SISTER: ... I first saw my promotion
in the papers on June ist. I was very glad ; for,
two hours after, as I wrote you, we went into ac
tion. I am disposed to think that it will be better
in the end for me to have received my promotion at
this late date. The reasons for my promotion are
gratifying to any soldier. It will be entered upon
the records of the War Department that I was pro
moted for " gallant and distinguished services " — a
record that will help me through life, and one of
which you will be far more proud than had it been
conferred simply for political reasons. It is con
trary to the instincts of all regular officers to seek
promotion through the latter influence. Everybody
congratulates me, and all concede that I have fairly
earned it ; even those who have opposed me acknowl
edge this. I feel quite happy, and have not yet
ceased to aspire. I shall not be content until I get
a division, and time will bring that about. My
health has been remarkably good throughout the
campaign. I have slept in my clothes, with the ex
ception of two or three nights, since May 4th, and
the same has been done by nearly all the officers
and men.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, June 18, 1864.
To-night I am quietly writing in my tent, which
was last pitched on the north bank of the James.
We took transports yesterday morning at I A. M.,
and steamed up to Bermuda Hundreds, arriving
there at 6 A. M. Thence we marched to Point of
Rocks, on the Appomattox. This morning we were

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 1 1 7

marched outside of the works to support and par
ticipate in an assault upon the enemy's works. The
order was countermanded in time to prevent a de
liberate murder of our troops. The line we were
to assault was evacuated by the enemy on the i6th,
and was occupied by our troops, who fell back from
them without firing a shot. It was not till the
enemy had reoccupied them in stronger force than
before that it was discovered that their possession
was of great importance to us. Brilliant general
ship that, which would abandon voluntarily a line
of works, allow the enemy to take possession, and
then drive them from it by a glorious charge ! This
kind of stupidity has cost us already twenty thou
sand men. It is time that it should be stopped. I
think, however, with all our stupid blunders in bat
tle, we shall yet succeed. To all intents and pur
poses, we hold Petersburg. Our cavalry should cut
the Lynchburg Canal and the Danville Railroad,
which will certainly necessitate the evacuation of
Richmond. There has been, I judge, terrible fight
ing to-day at Petersburg, but I do not know the re
sult. It must have been in our favor, I think, other
wise we would have been ordered to re-enforce the
corps engaged. Our corps is at present under the
orders of General Butler, but we hope soon to join
the Army of the Potomac.

The arduous struggle for the possession of Rich
mond, which commenced with the movement of the
Army of the Potomac across the Rapidan on the
4th of May, 1864, had for the time being ceased.
The theatre of operations was peculiarly well fitted

n8 Emory Upton.

for the defensive measures which General Lee so
ably conducted, and was correspondingly difficult
for the offensive operations undertaken by General
Grant. The task of the former was to prevent the
penetration of the Union forces between his army
and Richmond, and to secure always the shortest
line of retreat to Richmond, and the safety of his
line of supplies. That of the latter was to bring the
enemy to battle in the open field, or, by rapid flank
movements or overwhelming assaults, to dislodge
him from his defensive positions, keeping Washing
ton always well covered in his rear.

The southeasterly trend of the various streams
having their sources in the Blue Ridge offered a
succession of strong positions to the enemy, and
which, by Lee's able generalship, proved insur
mountable barriers to a direct overland march of
Grant's forces.

During the progress of the campaign secondary
expeditions were devised, having for their purpose
the detaching of sufficiently strong portions of the
enemy's troops, so as to weaken him, and enable the
Army of the Potomac to accomplish more readily
its purpose.

General Hunter's command in the Shenandoah
Valley had gained such success in his Lynchburg
campaign while the two main opposing forces were
struggling at the North Anna, that Lee was con
strained to send back to the Valley two brigades
commanded by Breckenridge. This force was fur
ther increased by the addition of Early's corps,
withdrawn from Lee's forces June I3th, after the
issue at Cold Harbor had been decided in favor of

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 1 1 9

Lee. The result of these movements was to drive
Hunter out of the Shenandoah toward the Kanawha
Valley. He reached Charleston, West Virginia,
June 30th, with his troops foot-sore and exhausted,
and was thus eliminated as a factor of offense or de
fense in the Shenandoah until near the middle of
July. The situation was now something like this :
Grant was moving his forces south to invest Peters
burg, and, crossing his army over the James River
at and near Fort Powhatan, but covering his real
movement by a portion of his cavalry near Malvern
Hill and White-Oak Swamp. Lee, watchful, was
waiting for information as to Grant's movements,
but ready to interpose in his front, either south of
Richmond or Petersburg. Early, in the Valley, with
nothing of any moment to oppose him, had an in
viting pathway into Maryland. His force, of about
seventeen thousand men, mostly veteran troops,
was strong enough not only to penetrate into
Maryland, but to seriously threaten and endanger
Washington. Lee hoped by this diversion to cause
Grant to loosen the powerful grasp by which he held
the bulk of his forces in the intrenchments around
Petersburg.

Briefly, it may be stated that Early, in the prose
cution of this design, reached Winchester July 2d,
entered Hagerstown, Md., on the 6th, and, after ter
rifying all Maryland, appeared in sight of Washing
ton on the i ith. The near presence of this veteran
force to Washington caused the greatest consterna
tion. To oppose it there were only some convales
cents, some raw and untried troops, and the civilian
employes of the Quartermaster's Department, and

I2O Emory Upton.

Grant was urged to send a sufficient force from the
Army of the Potomac to avert the danger.

On the night of the Qth of July, orders were sent
to General Wright, commanding the Sixth Corps,
to march the First and Second Divisions of this
corps from their camps at Petersburg to City Point,
there to take transports for Washington. Embark
ing at daylight, they were landed at Washington on
the afternoon of the nth, in time to oppose any
serious attack of Early. On the I2th, Early 's attack
was defeated, and his retreat to the Shenandoah
began. He was followed by General Wright, who
was at first inferior to Early in strength, and hence
was compelled, from prudential motives, to move
with some caution. The arrival of Hunter's forces
in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry aided in causing
the retreat of Early ultimately to Strasburg. On
the 23d of July the Sixth Corps was withdrawn to
Washington with the intention of sending it back to
the Army of the Potomac ; but the enemy, ever
watchful, took advantage of this withdrawal and, by
an advance movement, succeeded in defeating Gen
eral Crook at Kernstown, in the Valley, which had
the effect of bringing back the Sixth Corps to
Harper's Ferry.

On the 24th of July the Confederate cavalry
under McCausland began a new raid into Maryland,
the same day that Crook's forces united with the
Sixth Corps at Harper's Ferry. Chambersburg, in
Pennsylvania, was burned ; stores, provisions, and
horses were captured, and another stampede among
the farmers of Maryland and Southern Pennsylvania
occurred. Grant determined to put a stop forever

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 121

to this disturbing element of his main purpose, and,
as a result, the army in the Valley was re-enforced
and General Sheridan was sent to command it. He
was to defeat and disperse Early 's forces, and make
such a destruction of all the resources of the Shen-
andoah Valley as to prevent in future any possibility
of the subsistence of the enemy's forces in that lo
cality.

General Upton, commanding his brigade in the
First Division of the Sixth Corps, took part in all
the movements which resulted from the operations
of Early referred to above, and in the following
letters gives a brief account of what came under
his notice :

SNICKER'S GAP, July 19, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER: . . . We have had a blood
less campaign since the rebels invaded Maryland.
The timely arrival of our corps saved Washington
from capture. The enemy withdrew from the city
and made a hasty retreat across the Potomac. We
have followed leisurely and without opposition until
reaching this point. We are encamped on the west
side of the Blue Ridge, and hold the east bank of
the Shenandoah, while the enemy holds the west
bank. I wish you could enjoy this scenery. From
our camp on the Blue Ridge the Great Valley of
Virginia, with its surrounding streams, its groves,
its fertile fields, and elegant mansions, is spread out
like a beautiful landscape. Seldom does the tourist
meet with a view so enchanting. A glance of the
eye comprehends the Blue Ridge, the Alleghanies,
Maryland Heights, and innumerable smaller mount
ains dotted here and there throughout the Valley,

122 Emory Upton.

lending additional charms to the scenery. I do not
know where this war may lead us before its close.
I certainly did not expect to visit this region with a
portion of the Army of the Potomac.

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, \
HARPER'S FERRY, August 9, 1864. \

MY DEAR SISTER : A new campaign will be in
augurated to-morrow under the command of Gen
eral Sheridan. How soon it may develop the enemy,
and what may be its consequences no one knows,
but I trust it will be successful. General Sheridan
has the appearance of great nerve, and hitherto has
been quite successful. For one, I am better pleased
with his appearance than that of any other com
mander under whom I have served. How humil
iating was the reverse at Petersburg, and how dis
graceful on the part of division commanders to
abandon their troops ! I have never been reckless,
but I am sure it is a praiseworthy quality when so
few of our higher commanders expose themselves
as much as duty requires. It has now arrived at
that point when officers must expose themselves
freely if they would have their commands do their
whole duty ; so, whatever I may do, you must not
attribute it to rashness, but to a soldier's sense of
duty.

HARPER'S FERRY, August 24, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER: I would like very much to
spend Saturday and Sunday, September Qth and
loth, at home, but do not look forward to such an
event. Our movements depend upon Early, who is
a contrary fellow, and may give us much trouble

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 123

about that time. Everything considered, I am not
justified in allowing- you to look forward, as the
chances against the realization of our wish are nine
out of ten. I will telegraph in time to let you
know.

We had quite a skirmish with the enemy last
Sunday. I was on the skirmish-line and received
repeated hints from the rebels that my presence
was obnoxious, but, as their practice was bad, I es
caped unhurt.

CHARLESTOWN, VA., September 2, 1864.

MY DEAR SISTER : We expect to move to-mor
row morning up the Valley. This, unfortunately, I
fear, banishes all hope of returning home. I am,
however, willing to forego all pleasure if for the
good of the country. The impression is very strong
that Early is en route to Richmond ; if so, your
brother may soon date his letters from Petersburg.
I am in good spirits over both military and political
prospects. The rebels can not disguise the fact that
their power is on the wane, and that their race is
nearly run. While the nomination of McClellan on
so damnable a platform renders Lincoln's re-elec
tion certain, I am out and out for Lincoln. He has
made many gross blunders, but he is true to his pur
pose, and, when the South, after four years of war,
finds that the North is as determined as ever to crush
the rebellion, the rebellion will collapse. Farragut
is a hero, and deserves all the honors a grateful na
tion can bestow. Grant, too, is rising daily in the
opinion of the officers who were ill-affected toward
him when he took command. Others that I could
mention are stumbling-blocks of too great magni-

124 Emory Upton.

tude to permit a brilliant execution of any move
ment in which they may be implicated. I heartily
wish they might be relieved.

Sheridan's forces in the Valley were obliged at
first to act on the defensive, because of the re-
enforcements which Early had received. It was,
nevertheless, believed that in due time the necessi
ties of Lee would bring about the recall of a large
portion, if not the whole, of the Confederate force
now confronting Sheridan. The latter, ever on the
alert, hoped to overwhelm the diminished force of
the enemy when such an event took place, and, to
better arrange for this, he had established himself,
in the early part of September, in the vicinity of
Berryville, in a strong position, threatening Win
chester, and having the fine defensive position at
Halltown to fall back upon in case the enemy pressed
him too closely. On the I4th of September, the
main part of the re-enforcements (Kershaw's division)
which Early had received were finally recalled to
join Lee's army at Richmond. Early also, at this
juncture, separated his forces, sending a large part
to Martinsburg, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
twenty-two miles north of Winchester.

Sheridan, quickly taking advantage of these two
circumstances, concentrated his forces on the Ope-
quan, near Winchester, and moved directly against
Ramseur's division, covering that place. The bat
tle took place on the iQth of September, and re
sulted in a marked victory for Sheridan. The part
played by Upton in this action was, as usual, con
spicuous. At first in command of his brigade, with

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 125

which he was the first, after Wilson's division of
cavalry, to arrive on the field, the death of General
Russell gave him the command of the First Divi
sion. This division wras, in the early part of the
engagement, held in reserve in rear of the right
of the Sixth Corps. The advance of this corps
was along the Winchester and Berryville pikes —
Getty, with the Second Division, on the left, and
Ricketts, with the Third Division, on the right;
the Nineteenth Corps was on the right of the Sixth
Corps, and connected with it during the first ad
vance, until about midday. Due to the change
of direction of the Berryville pike toward the left,
an interval occurred between the right of the Sixth
Corps and the left of the Nineteenth, which in
creased in width as the troops advanced. The
enemy, taking advantage of this, pushed in Battle's
brigade of Rhodes's division, which, being sup
ported by the other brigades of this division and that
of Gordon, drove back Ricketts's division of the
Sixth Corps and Grover's of the Nineteenth Corps.
This, for a short time, not only checked the Union
advance, but forced back the whole line some dis
tance. " At this juncture Russell's division of the
Sixth Corps splendidly improved a golden oppor
tunity. Ordered at once to move up into the front
line, now needing re-enforcement, this change
brought it into the gap created by the Confederate
charge, and, continuing its advance, it struck the
flank of the hostile force which was sweeping away
the Union right, and, aided by the Fifth Maine Bat
tery, which enfiladed the enemy's line with canister,
at once turned the tide. The enemy retreated, the

126 Emory Upton.

line was re-established, the fugitives were gathered
from the woods in which they had taken refuge,
while the gallant division took position on the right
of its corps. But, in the hour of his triumph, Rus
sell had fallen. < His death/ said Sheridan, •' brought
sadness to every heart in the army.' The broken
portion of Ricketts's line was quickly reformed be
hind the First Division, now under Upton, and again
moved forward, while Dwight's division, having
taken the place of Grover's, on the right of the line,
the latter was promptly rallied and brought up." *

The report of the operations of the division was
made by Major Dalton, assistant-adjutant-general.
" The enemy," he says, " having pushed back the
Second Division of the Nineteenth Corps, and a
portion of the Third Division of this corps, moved
down toward the pike, delivering a severe fire of
musketry from the woods and corn-fields on the
right. The Third Brigade (Edwards's) was now
rapidly moved by the flank to the right of the pike,
then forward with the First Brigade (Campbell's)
under a heavy fire to a crest commanding the woods
and fields through which the enemy moved. This
advance was very much assisted by the First New
York Battery, commanded by Lieutenant Johnson,
which did splendid execution, and was fought with
gallantry under a very annoying musketry-fire. At
this time, General Upton moved his brigade into
line to the right of the pike, at an oblique angle to
it, thence forward into the woods, delivering heavy
volleys into masses of the enemy, who were coming
up. This fresh fire from the Second Brigade (Up-

* " The Shenandoah Valley," Pond, p. 162.

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 127

ton's) soon caused the enemy to fall back, so that
the whole line moved forward to a position which
was easily held till the latter part of the afternoon,
though occasionally sharp musketry-fire was inter
changed. While personally superintending the ad
vance of the First and Third Brigades to the crest
previously referred to, and which he considered of
the utmost importance, General Russell was killed
by a piece of shell which passed through his heart
—he had just before received a bullet-wound in the
left breast, but had not mentioned this to any of his
staff, continuing to urge forward his troops."
General Upton's account is as follows :

" After marching about half a mile, the troops
on the right of the pike gave way ; line was imme
diately formed, and soon after Lieutenant-Colonel
Kent gave me the order to move the brigade to the
right. The brigade was faced to the right, and
marched across the pike into a narrow belt of tim
ber, where the second line was halted and faced to
the front. The Second Connecticut continued the
march, inclining to the right, making our line ob
lique to that upon which the enemy was advancing.
Bayonets were fixed, and instructions given not to
fire till within close range. The enemy's left, ex
tending far beyond our right, advanced till within
two hundred yards of our line, when a brisk flank-
fire was opened by the One Hundred and Twenty-
first and Sixty-fifth New York, causing him to retire
in great disorder. The whole line then advanced,
driving the enemy, and inflicting a heavy loss in the
killed and wounded. The brigade was halted at the

128 Emory Upton.

edge of the wood, which position it held till the at
tack was renewed in the afternoon. On the left of
the brigade the Thirty-seventh Massachusetts ren
dered invaluable service in supporting Stevens's
Fifth Maine Battery."

General Crook, who commanded the Army of
Western Virginia, known afterward as the Eighth
Corps, says, in his report of the battle : " The gen
eral direction of my line was on the enemy's left
flank, and at right angles to the line of the Nine
teenth Corps. During the latter part of the charge
there was a succession of stone fences running par
allel to my lines, behind which some of the flying
enemy took refuge, pouring a destructive fire into
my ranks. On riding to the Nineteenth Corps to
request them to enfilade these fences, I found Brig
adier-General Upton, of the Sixth Corps, on my left,
making a most gallant charge with the brigade
against the enemy thus posted, although having
been in the hottest of the fight since its commence
ment in the morning. Finally, the enemy fled from
these fences, pursued through the town of Winches
ter by my command, which was the first to enter
the city."

It appears, from the various accounts, that the
timely arrival of Upton's brigade upon the field of
battle, and its vigorous attack upon the advancing
enemy in the gap between the right of the Sixth
and left of the Nineteenth Corps, were most oppor
tune. It turned a possible defeat into certain vic
tory. General Upton was severely wounded in the
right thigh near the close of the battle, but with

Regimental and Brigade Commander. 129

the nerve and coolness of the true soldier he re
mained until the action was over, although directed
by General Sheridan to quit the field. It is related
that, not being able, on account of his wound, to
remain on his horse, he had a stretcher borne by
a detachment of the ambulance corps, and in this
was carried along the line from place to place,
encouraging his men and giving his orders with a
courage and devotion full of inspiration to his
troops. The fortitude thus displayed is worthy of
a true hero, and stands in noticeable contrast to the
retirement from the field of others only slightly
wounded.

The severe nature of his wound caused him, two
days after the battle, to take a leave of absence, and,
proceeding to his home, he awaited with impatience
its healing sufficiently to allow his return to active
duty. For his services in this battle he was bre-
vetted a major-general of volunteers.

CHAPTER V.

SERVICE AS DIVISION COMMANDER OF CAVALRY.

IN October, 1864, the returns of the cavalry of
the Military Division of the Mississippi showed a
nominal strength of nearly eighty thousand men,
only fourteen thousand of whom were actually fit
for duty in the field. This large force was unavail
able for the more important duties of cavalry, be
cause it was scattered over the States of Kentucky,
Missouri, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia, in de
tachments of various strength, and was without
unity, either in command, purpose, discipline, or
organization. This arm of the service had naturally
suffered from defective organization and hard serv
ice, and had therefore failed to develop the proper
morale and military spirit. But both General Grant
and General Sherman believed that, with a proper
organization and a competent leader, it could attain
a standard of excellence equal to the cavalry of the
Army of the Potomac, which would make it a most
potent factor in a campaign directed toward the
heart of the Confederacy, and which had not yet
been touched.

General James H. Wilson, then commanding a
division with Sheridan in the Valley of Virginia,
was detailed by General Grant, and ordered to re
port to Sherman for the purpose of reorganizing

Division Commander of Cavalry. 131

and commanding the Western cavalry. He was
promised the assistance of a few good brigade and
division commanders from the Army of the Poto
mac, and requested that Upton, among others, might
be ordered to join him. This request was granted,
although the latter had not yet recovered from the
severe and painful wound received at the battle of
Winchester, and could not again take the field till
late in December. It will be remembered that up
to this time Upton had served only with the artil
lery and infantry, but so thoroughly had his quali
ties become known throughout the army that
neither General Grant nor his new commander had
any doubt about his success as a cavalry leader.
Indeed, his enterprise, intrepidity, and general
ability had specially marked him as one of the best
officers in the army for the duty of assisting in
bringing the mounted service up to the high degree
of discipline and efficiency which all arms had
reached in the Eastern armies, and which both the
artillery and infantry had reached in the Western
armies. In order that his services in the West may
be better understood, we may briefly refer to a few
of the salient facts connected with the cavalry com
mands in the Military Division of the Mississippi at
this epoch.

Three divisions of cavalry, about five thousand
in the aggregate, commanded by Generals McCook,
Garrard, and Kilpatrick, were attached to the Army
of the Cumberland. In the Army of the Ohio the
cavalry consisted of a portion of a division near At
lanta under General Garrard, while Capron's bri
gade was awaiting a remount at Louisville, Kentucky,

132 Emory Upton.

all under the command of General George Stone-
man. There were two divisions of cavalry belong
ing to the Army of the Tennessee, one in West Ten
nessee, under General Edward Hatch, and the other
in Missouri and Tennessee, near Memphis, under
Colonel E. F. Winslow, Fourth Iowa Cavalry — the
whole commanded by Brigadier-General B. H.
Grierson. Many detachments, employed as escorts,
foragers, orderlies, hospital attendants, etc., were
to be found in all the armies. In addition to the
above, a few regiments of good cavalry and a di
vision of mounted infantry were located in Ken
tucky and East Tennessee. There were in all
about eighty-two regiments of mounted troops, or
rated as such, spread over a wide territory, par
tially paralyzed, at least, by the scattering policy to
which this arm of the service had been subjected.

Although General Sherman expressed no great
faith in the views and plans of General Wilson, or
in the possibility of their practical application within
the limits of the time available, he cordially con
sented to their adoption, and frankly said he would
not undertake to divide the honors which the re
organized cavalry might gain for its new command
er. He accordingly issued the order constituting
these widely scattered and fragmentary bodies into
the Cavalry Corps of the Military Division of the
Mississippi, under the command of General Wilson.
This order was issued at Gaylesville, Alabama, on
the 9th of November, 1864, and, while it marked a
great epoch in the history of the cavalry in the
West, much had yet to be done to make the corps
in effect something more than a mere name. The

Division Commander of Cavalry. 133

organization consisted of seven divisions, com
manded by Generals McCook, Long, Kilpatrick,
Grierson, Hatch, Johnson, and Knipe, respectively.

The Third Division (Kilpatrick's), having- been
selected to accompany General Sherman in his
march to the sea, had been strengthened by the ab
sorption of nearly all the good horses left with the
army, and by bringing forward the detached men
who were guarding railroads and block-houses ; the
strength of its three brigades was thus increased to
about five thousand men for duty. The dismounted
divisions were sent back to Louisville for remounts,
and it was hoped that this could be effected in time
to make use of them in the operations against Hood.
By the I4th of November Wilson had a force of
eight thousand mounted and two thousand un
mounted men, and did employ them with vigor and
effect in the decisive battle of Nashville, December
1 5th and i6th, although but a short time had elapsed
since this force was without cohesion or military
value.

During the pursuit of Hood the cavalry cap
tured thirty-two guns, eleven caissons, twelve colors,
three thousand two hundred and thirty prisoners,
and caused the abandonment or destruction of many
wagons, horses, and mules, belonging to Hood's
army.

It had been General Grant's design that an ac
tive winter campaign into Alabama should imme
diately follow the defeat of Hood, and it was ex
pected that the initiative would be made about the
latter part of December. But many causes united
to greatly modify the original plan and somewhat

134 Emory Upton.

delay the contemplated movement, so that it finally
resulted in a campaign by the cavalry corps itself,
beginning in the latter part of March.

Wilson had been directed to assemble his caval
ry, after Hood's defeat, in the vicinity of Huntsville,
Alabama. But, because of the impoverished state
of the country, due to its having been overrun by
the forces of both parties, and because of the lack
of railroad facilities for the supply of large bodies
of troops, headquarters were established at Grav
elly Springs, fifteen miles below Florence, on the
Tennessee River, and the command was collected
in cantonments between that place and Waterloo.
During February and early March, all the divisions
of the corps (except the Third, which had accom
panied Sherman in his march to the sea) had arrived
and were placed in camp. Every effort was made
to drill and discipline these troops, so that they
would form a coherent and reliable body of horse.

Thorough amalgamation was impossible during
the retreat before Hood from the Tennessee to the
Cumberland, or during the preparation for the bat
tle of Nashville. Then during the pursuit of Hood
the troops and horses had been severely pushed,
and their powers of endurance nearly exhausted,
and yet, while their spirits had been raised by their
successes during the battle and subsequent pursuit,
the discipline had suffered in some degree. Roll-
calls had been neglected, and many essential mili
tary duties had been perfunctorily performed. As
soon as the command was assembled on the Ten
nessee, the corps commander, aided by a large and
an efficient staff, set himself to correct these short-

Division Commander of Cavalry. 135

comings, and soon had the pleasure of seeing unsol-
dierly conduct and all irregularity replaced by a
prompt and willing obedience and the strictest dis
cipline. Both men and horses were comfortably
sheltered and supplied. They were drilled at every
opportune moment, and soon there grew up an
organized body of horse capable of efficient employ
ment. The difficulties which, at first, seemed almost
insurmountable, had been gradually dissipated, till
finally everything was in readiness for a campaign
into the very heart of the South. But the rainy
weather of March had filled the Tennessee till its
banks and bottom-lands were flooded ; the roads
were in a frightful condition, and that part of the
country which was not a quagmire was a barren
waste. For ninety miles south of the Tennessee the
country had been completely stripped of all sup
plies, and hence it was necessary to accumulate
food, forage, and munitions of all kinds, so that the
command could move out at the earliest moment
that the roads would permit. The aggregate force
with which the corps was expected to penetrate the
enemy's territory was twenty-five thousand men.
But orders in February directed that one division be
sent to Canby, operating at Mobile ; one division be
left at Chickasaw to watch the Mississippi and Ten
nessee Rivers ; and one be detached for service in
Tennessee. The Seventh Division, General Knipe,
was selected for the first detail ; the Fifth, General
Hatch, for the second ; and the Sixth, General John
son, for the last — in all about ten thousand troopers.
General Wilson was left with about fourteen
thousand men, of whom fifteen hundred were not

136 Emory Upton.

mounted, to undertake his campaign in a new and
untried territory against an active cavalry force of
the enemy, commanded by one of its most promi
nent cavalry leaders, General Forrest.

We will now see how General Upton became
connected with the operations which followed.
Severely wounded at the battle of Winchester, in
Virginia, October 19, 1864, he was thereby pre
vented from immediately joining his new command.
He had played so conspicuous a part in this battle,
and his bravery and military ability were so marked,
that the Government promptly rewarded him with
the brevet of major-general " for gallant and meri
torious services at the battles of Winchester and
Fisher's Hill, Virginia." His commission was dated
October igth, and he accordingly took rank from
that date. But his wound was of such a nature
that it was not until near the middle of December
that his physical condition permitted his return
to active duty. He had had active field service
with the artillery as a subaltern and as a chief of
an artillery brigade, as well as varied experience
with the infantry in command of a regiment, bri
gade, and division, in many bloody engagements.
This service had been wholly with the gallant and
well-disciplined Army of the Potomac, in which
he had experienced the exhilaration of marked suc
cesses, as well as the humiliation of sad disasters.
He was now to close his active career as a fight
ing soldier in the cavalry, and on the I3th of De
cember, although his wound had not yet closed, he
reported in person to Major-General Wilson, and
was assigned to the command of the Fourth Divis-

Division Commander of Cavalry. 1 3 7

ion of the cavalry corps. His new rank carried
with it new responsibilities as well as new honors.
It was not without some modest misgivings as to
his adaptability to the cavalry service that he turned
his back on his comrades in the East to enter upon
his new duties in the West. After his assignment,
although still physically weak, he proceeded to
Memphis, to bring a portion of his command located
in that vicinity to the cavalry camp at Gravelly
Springs, Alabama.

On his arrival at the cavalry camp he at once en
tered upon the active work of drill, discipline, and
organization. These irksome but vastly important
duties received at Upton's hands that thorough at
tention that characterized all of his labor, for he
well knew that the harvest he hoped to reap in the
coming campaign would be in direct proportion to
the efficient labor which must be expended during
the season of preparation. He did this to the com
plete satisfaction of his corps commander, and he
thus so gained the confidence of his own officers and
men that both he and they became eagerly anxious
for the campaign to open. His hopes and aspira
tions were at this time thus expressed :

GRAVELLY SPRINGS, March 14, 1865.

MY DEAR SISTER : We expect to break camp to
morrow preparatory to crossing the Tennessee and
entering upon the expedition to Alabama. The
streams are swollen, which may delay us some days,
but it is the intention to move as soon as the weather
and roads will permit.

The present campaign, I trust, will seal the doom

138 Emory Upton.

of the Confederacy. I can not see how it can be
otherwise, unless great and unexpected reverses be
fall our arms. In that event it will only delay the
final result. Peace must soon come, and how wel
come it will be to all !

Hobbes was not a soldier, or he never would
have advanced the idea that " war is the natural
condition of man." I am anxious to be on the move.
Camp-life is dull and monotonous, and I always
welcome the variety of campaign. Henry's wound
worries me considerably, and I fear it will under
mine his health. Mine has healed over, but a per
verse nerve keeps it constantly in mind. I do not
suffer at all from it, only there is a disagreeable sen
sation about the knee.

Before giving an outline of the campaign, it may
be well to devote a few words to the strength and
distribution of the enemy's forces available for
opposing Wilson's movements, referring briefly in
passing to the events that followed the defeat of
Hood at Nashville.

After this battle, so disastrous to the enemy,
Hood established his headquarters at Tuscumbia,
and, early in January, collected the remnants of his
infantry at Tupelo, Mississippi. Subsequently, a
large part of his force was transferred to the East
by the only railroad then open to them from Co
lumbus, Mississippi, Macon, Augusta, and Columbia,
S. C., to enable it to take part in the operations against
Sherman in North Carolina. About the latter part
of December, General N. B. Forrest, who com
manded the enemy's cavalry, collected his corps in

Division Commander of Cavalry. 139

the vicinity of Corinth, with the exception of a bri
gade under Roddy, who was left to cover Hood's
rear at Tuscumbia. Another brigade of cavalry
under Armstrong was recalled from Corinth to
strengthen this force, while Hood's infantry were
passing west from Cherokee Station to Tupelo.

It was known to Forrest that he was soon to be
placed in command of all the Confederate cavalry
which was in the Military Department of Alabama,
Mississippi, and East Louisiana, and, therefore, from
the time of establishing himself in winter quarters
at Corinth, he devoted himself to the concentration,
discipline, and reorganization of his command.
Bell's and Rucker's brigades of Tennessee cavalry,
which were near their homes, and who would with
certainty return to their colors, were furloughed
for a short time to enable them to procure fresh
horses and clothing. The rest of the cavalry was
brought to the vicinity of Okolona, Mississippi, a
country rich in forage. West Tennessee, Northern
Alabama, and Mississippi, beyond the lines of Fed
eral occupation, were thoroughly patrolled to gather
in all absentees, and to impress mercilessly all able-
bodied men that were fit for service. Picked and
trusty scouts were sent into Middle Tennessee to
learn all that could be gathered about the contem
plated movements of the Union forces.

Forrest assumed his new command in obedience
to orders February 24th, and on the 28th received
his new rank of lieutenant-general. In reorgan
izing his corps he had united troops from the same
State into brigades and divisions as far as practica
ble. Thus the Mississippi brigades formed a divis-

140 Emory Upton.

ion commanded by Brigadier-General Chalmers, the
Alabama brigades a division under General Buford,
and the Tennessee brigades, to which the Texas
troops were also added, a division commanded by
General Jackson. The famous Second Missouri
Cavalry, commanded by Colonel McCulloch, who
had heretofore commanded a brigade, were attached
to Forrest's headquarters as a special scouting force
under Forrest's immediate direction. The aggre
gate strength of his command at this time was esti
mated at about ten thousand men.

General Forrest himself was one of the ablest of
the Confederate cavalry commanders. He had risen
from a subordinate position to the highest honors
by merit alone. Although he had had but little
education, and no culture, he possessed the native
qualities of a leader of cavalry. He was a man of
strong will, ready resource, great energy, and un
tiring activity. These qualifications, united to a
sound judgment and quick decision, served to make
him a successful commander and a dangerous an
tagonist. He enforced a pitiless conscription in the
territory of his command, and during the period of
preparation he devoted himself assiduously to re-
horsing his cavalry and artillery, and the complete
reorganization of his forces.

By the middle of March, Chalmers's division had
an effective aggregate of forty-five hundred men,
divided into three brigades, commanded by Briga
dier-Generals F. C. Armstrong, Wirt Adams, and
P. B. Starke. Jackson's division amounted to thirty-
eight hundred men, the two Tennessee brigades of
which were commanded by Brigadier-Generals T.

Division Commander of Cavalry. 141

H. Bell and A. W. Campbell. Buford was in the
vicinity of Montevallo, Alabama, completing the re
organization of his division. Roddy's brigade of
this division was located in North Alabama, watch
ing Wilson's movements. The other brigades,
Clanton's and Armistead's, were detached to the
vicinity of Mobile, guarding its flank approaches.

Forrest had retained his headquarters at Corinth
until January I2th; then, leaving Ross's Texans to
garrison that place, he removed his headquarters to
Verona, Mississippi, fifty-five miles south, where he
remained till March ist, and then established him
self at West Point, Mississippi. Wilson's concen
tration at Gravelly Springs and Waterloo and his
preparations for a campaign were early made known
to him by Roddy, commanding his advanced bri
gade. In anticipation of Wilson's movement, Arm
strong's and Starke's brigades, thirty -two hundred
strong, of Chalmers's division, had been ordered, on
the i /th of March, to take post at Pickensville, Ala
bama ; the other brigade, General Wirt Adams, was
then moving from Jackson, Mississippi, to Colum
bus, to protect the line of the Mobile and Ohio Rail
road. Bell's and Campbell's brigades of Jackson's
division were concentrated at West Point. The
whole of this disposition was due to the uncertainty
as to whether Wilson's contemplated campaign had
for its object an advance into Mississippi or into
Alabama.

It is certain, from what is now known, that great
misconception existed on the part of the Confeder
ate commander, Lieutenant-General Richard Tay
lor, as to the importance and magnitude of General

142 Emory Upton.

Wilson's design. From his headquarters at Me
ridian, Mississippi, he informed General Lee, at as
late a date as March 2/th, that Wilson's movement
was a raid, and that it was his intention to meet and
whip it before it could advance far into the country.
The operations of General Steele's command, which
moved from Pensacola on the 2oth of March, and was
directed on Pollard, threatening Montgomery, had
served to distract the enemy, and caused it to appear
to be of prime importance. General Buford was
therefore directed, March 23d, to move at once from
Montevallo to Greenville, via Selma, and Forrest was
ordered to send Chalmers's and Jackson's divisions
to Selma, with the intention of making a concentra
tion at Greenville to meet this threatening movement
of Steele's column. But, before these troops could
make much distance southward, they were quickly
recalled to meet the more serious danger caused by
Wilson's advance. It was now quite patent to the
Confederate commander that Wilson's movement
would be against Selma, and that it would need all
their energy and every available man to interpose
in his line of advance to prevent the accomplish
ment of his object. Forrest, in obedience to tele
graphic orders of March 24th, had ordered his
forces from the Mississippi line, designing to con
centrate them upon Selma before it was definitely
known to be Wilson's objective.

General Wilson began his movement south, from
Chickasaw and Waterloo, with the First, Second,
and Fourth Cavalry Divisions, on the 22d of March.
His command numbered twelve thousand five hun
dred mounted and fifteen hundred dismounted.

Division Commander of Cavalry. 143

They were all veterans, in excellent discipline and
condition considering the limited time which had
been available for this purpose. But, as they had
been assembled in cantonments, freed from the evils
of disintegration, and had been thoroughly drilled
under the eyes of their own officers, much had been
done to make the confidence mutual. The division
and other commanders, although mostly young
men, were competent and experienced officers, and
were full of confidence in themselves and their
commands.

Clear and explicit instructions had been given
before the march began, and certain discretionary
powers had been allowed the division commanders
as to march and manoeuvre. The general opera
tions and routes were outlined as far as Selma, and
the subsequent movements were to be determined
from that point.

Each trooper was directed to carry five days'
light rations in haversacks, one pair of extra horse
shoes, and one hundred rounds of ammunition.
Pack-mules were loaded with five days' rations of
hard bread and ten days' sugar and salt. The
wagon-train was to carry forty-five days' coffee,
twenty days' sugar, fifteen days' salt, and eighty
rounds of ammunition. Such was the total allow
ance for a sixty days' campaign, the allowance of
hard bread and forage being limited to that neces
sary to serve the command while passing through
the sterile portions of Alabama. It was expected
that it would subsequently live on the country.
The supply -train consisted of two hundred and
fifty wagons, which were to be sent back as they

144 Emory Upton.

were emptied, and there was, in addition, a canvas
ponton train of thirty boats, transported by fifty-
six six-mule teams, under the escort of a battalion
of the Twelfth Missouri Cavalry, Major Hubbard
commanding.

We will now follow briefly the movements of the
cavalry corps, and then direct our attention to the
particular operations of the Fourth Division.

Selma, distant about one hundred and eighty
miles in a straight line, could only be reached by a
fatiguing march of nearly two hundred and fifty.
The roads by which the columns moved were at
this time very heavy, due to incessant rains, and
were intersected by the numerous streams which
form the head-waters of the Black Warrior and the
Cahawba Rivers. These streams were swollen, their
bottom-lands muddy, and the crossings difficult and
often dangerous ; the country itself is hilly and bar
ren.

The advance was made first on diverging roads :
Upton's division moving by the easterly route,
through Barton's Station, Russelville, Mount Hope,
and Jasper, to Sanders's Ferry, on the West Fork of
the Black Warrior River ; Long's division by Chero
kee Station, Frankfort, Russelville, thence south by
the Tuscaloosa road crossing Upper Bear Creek,
then turning east by Thorn Hill, crossing the forks
of the Buttahatchie, reached Jasper and the ford
on the Black Warrior with but little loss of time.
McCook's division followed Long's division to Bear
Creek, and marched thence toward Tuscaloosa as
far as Eldridge, and then eastwardly to Jasper.

Upton's division crossed the Mulberry Fork of

Division Commander of Cavalry. 145

the Black Warrior on the 27th. A violent rain
storm filled the streams to their banks, and threat
ened to prevent the rest of the command from mak
ing a junction with it. With great skill and labor
this danger was happily averted, and thus an oppor
tunity for a possible partial successful resistance on
the part of the enemy was lost, had they known in
time of this march and taken advantage of the situa
tion.

From captured scouts of the enemy, Wilson
learned at Jasper, on the 27th, that one of Chalmers's
brigades (Armstrong's) was marching on Tusca-
loosa by Bridgeville. Fearing that Forrest might
interpose all of his available forces on his line of ad
vance, he at once decided to strip his divisions to
the lightest available marching condition, taking
only his pack-train and artillery, and move with the
greatest possible rapidity through Elyton to Mon-
tevallo. To protect his train, he left with it all of
the unmounted troops and a mounted battalion, and
directed it to push on as far as Elyton, where it
would receive further orders.

The corps moved now with the greatest celerity
toward Montevallo, reaching the Cahawba River
on the $oth, having marched that day forty-three
miles. Thus in nine days Wilson had moved his
three divisions over poor roads and through a diffi
cult and sterile country, and had them well in hand
for either marching or fighting.

Let us now see what the condition of the enemy

was at this time. It will be remembered that

Roddy, commanding a brigade of Buford's division,

was, until about March 26th, watching Wilson and

7

146 Emory Upton.

guarding Northern Alabama; and that through
General Taylor's failure to comprehend the true
nature or magnitude of the contemplated move
ment of the cavalry corps, while unduly magnify
ing Steele's advance from Pensacola, Roddy had
been hurried from his very important position and
ordered to proceed with all haste to Greenville.
General Buford, who was in the vicinity of Monte-
vallo, was ordered to proceed to Greenville March
23d ; and Chalmers and Jackson, who had been
held in readiness, since March I7th, to march at
"six hours' notice," were, on March 25th, ordered
to the same point. General Forrest left West
Point, Mississippi, March 27th, and at Columbus he
learned, through scouts, that Wilson was making
for Montevallo, which he immediately reported to
his superior officer, General Taylor. He saw at
once the threatening character of this movement,
and urged the immediate concentration of all pos
sible resources for the defense of Selma.

Forrest, directing Jackson to push forward with
the utmost celerity toward Tuscaloosa, reached that
point himself on the morning of the 28th, after a
ride of thirty hours.

Jackson had started with his command from
West Point, Mississippi, on the 26th, and was mov
ing, on the route assigned to him, toward Selma,
when he was diverted, as stated above, toward Tus
caloosa. Armstrong's brigade moved from Pick-
ensville March 26th, and was overtaken by General
Chalmers with his staff on the 28th. at Greensboro,
it having been detained somewhat in the passage
of the Black Warrior. At Marion, Armstrong was

Division Commander of Cavalry. 147

halted and Starke's brigade ordered thither, in con
sequence of an order from Forrest prescribing con
centration. From the relaxation indulged in by
Armstrong's brigade at Marion, and the fact that
mere rumors only existed in regard to the move
ments of the Union forces, it is quite evident that
the serious nature of his position had not yet fully
penetrated the mind of the enemy. On the after
noon of the 3Oth Starke's brigade reached Marion,
and that night at eleven o'clock orders were re
ceived from General Taylor, directing the division
to move upon Plantersville. Hence at this epoch,
March 3Oth, we find Forrest's command scattered
in every direction, and without any apparent direct
ing head or plan of operations.

Meanwhile Wilson, at Ely ton, had dispatched
Croxton's brigade, of McCook's division, fifteen
hundred strong, on the 3Oth, to attempt the capture
of Tuscaloosa, and, if successful, to destroy the stores
and rejoin the main column, via Centreville. If, how
ever, he found the enemy in force, he was to hold
them in check and prevent a junction with the rest
of Forrest's command in Wilson's immediate front.
On his way to Tuscaloosa he fell in with the rear
guard of Jackson's division at Trion, and interposed
himself between it and Jackson's trains.

This occurred on the 3ist, and Jackson, who had
reached within eight miles of Scottsboro, on his
way from Tuscaloosa to join Forrest, determined to
attack him early the next morning. This he did,
capturing some prisoners, but not crippling Crox-
ton in the least, who immediately moved northeast
erly by an unfrequented road, and marched rapidly

148 Emory Upton.

for ten or fifteen miles, then turned west, and, after
a forty-mile march that day, arrived at Johnson's
Ferry on the Black Warrior River. General Jack
son, somewhat elated at his success, sent a dispatch
to the commanding officer at Tuscaloosa, informing
him that he had dispersed Croxton's force, and
added : " It is scattered in the mountains and can
not again be collected. Assure the fair ladies that
the tread of the vandal hordes shall not pollute the
streets of their beautiful city." As a sequel to this,
it may here be stated that Croxton marched thirty-
two miles the next day, and at 10 P. M. arrived on
the opposite side of the river from Tuscaloosa, and
received the surrender of the town at i A. M. on
the 3d.

When Wilson heard, through dispatches capt
ured at Randolph, that Jackson was being delayed
by Croxton, he immediately sent McCook with La
Grange's brigade to Centreville, where the road
from Trion crosses the Cahawba, to make a junc
tion with Croxton, or at least hold Jackson in check
and prevent his joining Forrest. McCook met
Jackson on April 2d, and, finding him too strong,
burned the bridge over the Cahawba at Centreville,
thus preventing Jackson's crossing the Cahawba,
and effectually eliminating Jackson's division from
all participation in opposing his march to Selma.
McCook, after accomplishing this important serv
ice, marched via Randolph, joined the trains on
the 5th of April, and brought them safely into
Selma.

Let us next ascertain what became of Chalmers's
two brigades. Moving at 1 1 P. M., on the 3Oth, from

Division Commander of Cavalry. 149

Marion to Plantersville, owing to bad roads and
delay about ponton train, Chalmers, with Starke's
brigade, did not cross the Cahawba till late on the
3 1 st. Then swamps and the condition of the roads
caused him to diverge from his projected route, and
seek a more practicable way, encumbered as he was
with the artillery and trains of the command. For
rest, not knowing wrhere he was, in the mean time
telegraphed Taylor at Selma for information, and
received in reply an answer to the effect that he was
at Plantersville, which at that time was in the rear
of Forrest's advanced position at Randolph. Under
the impression that this information was correct,
Forrest claims that he ordered the position at Ebe-
nezer Church to be held, making allowance for this
brigade in the disposition of his troops. Arm
strong's brigade having been detached from his
command on April ist, joined Forrest at u P.M. of
that day, on the road between Marion and Planters
ville.

Roddy, having crossed the Alabama at Selma on
his way south to Greenville, was directed to turn
about on March 3Oth, and hasten north to report to
General Daniel Adams at Montevallo. Recrossing
the river and making a forced march of fifty miles,
he reached Montevallo in time to participate in the
defense of that field.

The generalship on the part of the Confederates
had succeeded in throwing out of Wilson's path
three of their best brigades, viz., Bell's and Camp
bell's of Jackson's division, and Starke's of Chal
mers's division, together with the artillery of For
rest's corps, and leaving only Armstrong's, Roddy's,

150 Emory Upton.

and Crossland's brigades, and the inferior troops
which Adams had collected together in the vicinity
of Montevallo, to oppose him. We can now follow
understandingly the active operations of the Fed
eral cavalry.

Upton's division, leading, reached Montevallo on
the evening of March 3Oth, having destroyed impor
tant and valuable iron-works during the day. lie
was ordered to await the arrival of the corps, and
before noon of the next day the command was again
concentrated. At Montevallo the first serious stand
was made by the enemy, whose forces consisted of
Roddy's brigade, coming up after a forced march
from Selma, Crossland's Kentucky brigade, and
other troops collected by General Daniel Adams,
who commanded the whole.

From the belfry of the village church, Upton's
line of mounted skirmishers could be seen a mile in
front of the village, and occasional puffs of smoke
told that the enemy was feeling our lines. Upton's
troopers, not on the skirmish-line, were massed be
hind the village in some fields, out of view of the
enemy, while Long's splendid division of five thou
sand troopers was slowly closing up. Upton had
ordered his skirmishers to retire slowly before the
enemy, and toward i P. M. his men could be seen
moving in skirmishing order toward the Union lines.
Moving to the rear and wheeling about to fire, every
movement was marked with cool precision. When
he had retired within a few hundred yards of the
village the corps commander said : " Upton, I think
you have let them come far enough ; move out ! "
In a moment the skirmish-line was re-enforced, and

Division Commander of Cavalry. 151

Upton moved down the road with his main body in
column of fours at the trot until clear of the village,
when the Fifth Iowa, Colonel Young commanding,
made a handsome charge, driving the enemy and
capturing fifty prisoners from Roddy's command
and Grassland's Kentucky Brigade. The enemy
disputed every creek-bottom and ridge with great
stubbornness, but Upton's impetuosity, ably sec
onded by that of his brigade commanders, Wins-
low and Alexander, drove everything before him.
When the enemy had been forced back to Six-Mile
Creek, the command halted for the night on the
road to Randolph, and on the next day at dawn
entered that place.

At Randolph, Upton's scouts captured the im
portant dispatches from Jackson to Forrest, and
from Forrest to Jackson, before referred to, which
gave Wilson the key to the whole situation. From
the first he learned that Forrest, with a part of his
command, was in his front, a fact he had already ob
tained from prisoners captured ; that Jackson, with
his division, and all the wagons and artillery of the
Confederate cavalry, marching from Tuscaloosa via
Trion toward Centreville, had encamped the night
before at Hill's plantation, three miles beyond Scotts-
boro ; that Croxton, with the brigade detached at
Elyton, had struck Jackson's rear-guard at Trion,
and interposed himself between it and the train;
that Jackson had discovered this, and intended to
attack Croxton at daylight, April ist. He learned
from the other dispatch that Chalmers had also ar
rived at Marion, Alabama, and had been ordered to
cross to the east side of the Cahawba, for the pur-

152 Emory Upton.

pose of joining Forrest in front, or in the works at
Selma. Also that a force of dismounted men were
stationed at Centreville, with orders to hold the
bridge over the Cahawba as long as possible, and in
no event to let it fall into the hands of the Federals.

Shortly after the interception of these dispatches,
Wilson heard from Croxton at Trion, the night be
fore, that he had struck Jackson's rear ; and, instead
of pushing on toward Tuscaloosa, as he was ordered,
he would follow and endeavor to bring him to an
engagement, hoping thereby to prevent his junction
with Forrest.

Having this information, Wilson directed Mc-
Cook to strengthen the battalion previously or
dered to Centreville by a regiment, and to follow
with LaGrange's entire brigade, leaving all pack-
trains and wagons with the main column, so that he
could march with the utmost celerity ; and, after
seizing the Centreville bridge and leaving it under
the protection of a sufficient guard, to cross the Ca
hawba, and continue his march by the Scottsboro
road toward Trion. His orders were to attack and
break up Jackson's forces, form a junction with
Croxton if practicable, and rejoin the corps with
his entire division by the Centreville road to Sel
ma. Although McCook did not leave Randolph
till near 1 1 A. M., and the distance to Scottsboro
was nearly forty miles, Wilson hoped by the move
ment to do more than secure the Centreville bridge,
and prevent Jackson from joining the force in front
of the main column.

On the next morning the march was resumed,
Upton taking the left-hand or eastern road, and

Division Commander of Cavalry. 153

Long confronting the enemy. Long skirmished all
day, driving the enemy slowly but steadily before
him.

At 3 P. M., Forrest, having been re-enforced by
Armstrong's brigade, and some militia, halted near
Ebenezer Church, five miles from Plantersville, and
gave battle. Forrest chose his position north of
Bogler's Creek, his right resting on Mulberry
Creek, his left on a high wooded ridge. He posted
three pieces of artillery on the Randolph road and
two on the Maplesville road, upon which Upton
was advancing. His forces consisted of Roddy's bri
gade, Crossland's Kentucky brigade, Armstrong's
brigade, and three hundred infantry just from
Selma.

As soon as Long could deploy, he made his at
tack, and Upton, always prompt and fortunate,
hearing the cheers and firing, took the trot and
turned the right flank of the enemy at the oppor
tune moment.

Forrest, expecting to be re-enforced by Chal
mers, who was reported within supporting distance,
but who had really gone to Marion with Starke's
brigade, placed his line of battle in front of the forks
of the roads, with three guns on the left-hand road,
on which Long was advancing. The right-hand
road was not well watched or strongly held, as Up
ton's advance met with but little resistance. A
squadron of the Seventeenth Indiana, Miller's bri
gade, Long's division, charged the three-gun battery
with sabers, crushed down the gun-carriages, and
passed beyond, but were driven back by the ene
my's supports. The sharp fighting soon resulted

154 Emory Upton.

in forcing Forrest in confusion from the field with
a loss of three guns and four hundred prisoners.
That night the two Union divisions camped at
Plantersville, nineteen miles from Selma. At this
place the enemy, having halted to obtain forage and
subsistence stores, were driven out in hot haste,
Forrest, with his escort, making a gallant resistance.

At daylight of the 2d of April our troops moved
out on the Summerville road, Long's division lead
ing, closely followed by Upton. The enemy of
fered no resistance, and early in the afternoon the
advanced troopers came in sight of Selma. At
Elyton, Upton had obtained and sent to corps head
quarters detailed information of the defenses, of the
general correctness of which Wilson satisfied him
self afterward by a careful reconnaissance.

Selma is situated on the north bank of the Ala
bama River, about one hundred feet above the mean
level of the water. It contained an arsenal and
foundries for making shot and shell, and was the
most important depot of the enemy in the South
west.

Its fortifications consisted of a continuous line of
infantry parapets, with ample works for artillery de
fense, surrounding the city at a distance of three
miles, with its flanks resting on the Alabama River.
An interior line of stronger profile was also partially
constructed. These works were defended by a
force nearly seven thousand strong, consisting of
Roddy's, Armstrong's, and Crossland's brigades of
cavalry, and the militia and infantry collected by
General Daniel Adams, all under the command of
Forrest himself. So rapid had been the advance of

Division Commander of Cavalry. 155

the national cavalry that the town was invested be
fore Chalmers, with Starke's brigade, could reach
it from Marion.

Wilson had his troops in position shortly after 4
p. M. He directed Long to march by the flanks of
brigades, approach the city, and cross to the Sum-
merville road, without exposing his men, and to de
velop his line as soon as he could arrive in front of
the works. Upton was directed to move on the
Range Line road, sending a squadron on the Burns-
ville road.

Having decided to assault the works without
delay, Long was directed to move diagonally across
the road upon which his troops were posted, while
Upton, at his own request, with a picked force of
three hundred men, was directed to penetrate the
swamps upon his left, break through the line cov
ered by it, and turn the enemy's right, the rest of
his division to conform to the movement. The sig
nal for the advance was to be the discharge of a
single gun from Rodney's battery, to be given as
soon as Upton's turning movement had developed
itself.

Before that plan could be executed, and while
waiting for the signal to advance, Long was in
formed that a strong force of the Confederate cav
alry had begun skirmishing with his rear, and
threatened a general attack upon his pack-train and
led horses. He had left a force of six companies
well posted at the creek in anticipation of that move
ment, afterward ascertained to have been made by
Chalmers in obedience to the instructions of For
rest. Fearing lest the affair might compromise the

156 Emory Upton.

assault upon the main position, Long (having
strengthened the rear by another regiment) deter
mined to make the assault without waiting for the
signal, and gave the order to advance. His com
mand was formed in single line, dismounted, the
Seventeenth Indiana Mounted Infantry on the right,
and next, from right to left, the One Hundred and
Twenty-third Illinois Mounted Infantry, Ninety-
eighth Illinois Mounted Infantry, Fourth Ohio Cav
alry, and Fourth Michigan Cavalry ; in all eleven
hundred and sixty officers and men. They had to
charge across open ground six hundred yards to the
works, exposed to the fire of artillery and musketry,
and that part of the line which they were to assault
was manned by Armstrong's brigade, numbering fif
teen hundred men, and regarded as the best of For
rest's corps. Long's dismounted troops, all armed
with the Spencer magazine gun, sprang forward in
an unfaltering manner. The flanks had some diffi
culty in crossing a ravine and marshy soil, but in
less than fifteen minutes the line had swept over the
works and driven the Confederates in confusion
toward the city. But the loss was considerable,
being in all forty killed and two hundred and sixty
wounded, and among the wounded was General
Long himself, who was temporarily succeeded in
command by Colonel Minty. Wilson, arriving on
that part of the field just after the works were car
ried, at once notified Upton of Long's success, and
directed Colonel Minty to form Long's division for
a new advance. The garrison had occupied the new
line near the edge of the city. A gallant charge by
the Fourth United States Cavalry was repulsed, but

Division Commander of Cavalry. 157

it rapidly reformed on the left. It was now quite
dark. Upton's division advancing at the same time,
a new charge was made by the Fourth Ohio, Seven
teenth Indiana, and Fourth United States Cavalry,
dismounted. The troops, inspired by the wildest
enthusiasm, swept everything before them, and
penetrated the city in all directions. Upton's di
vision, though encountering less resistance, charged
with its habitual spirit and devotion. It is said that
the men, finding it too difficult to break down or
pry away the sharp-pointed stockade in front of the
earthworks, those behind, coming on swiftly, jumped
on the shoulders of the foremost and leaped the ob
structions, thus storming the works by a game of
" leap-frog."

The garrison fought with great coolness and
skill. Forrest was reported to have been engaged
personally in two or three romantic combats, and
he, with Generals Armstrong, Roddy, Adams, and
a number of men, escaped under cover of darkness
by the Burnsville or river road. A portion of Up
ton's division pursued on the Burnsville road until
long after midnight, capturing four guns and many
prisoners. The immediate fruit of the victory was
thirty-one field guns and one thirty-pound Parrott,
twenty-seven hundred prisoners, including one hun
dred and fifty officers, a number of colors, three
thousand horses, and a large quantity of stores of
every kind.

As soon as the troops could be assembled and
got into camp, General Winslow was assigned to
the command of the city, with orders to destroy
everything that could benefit the Confederate cause.

158 Emory Upton.

In the excitement of the hour some acts of plunder
and vandalism were perhaps committed, but order
was soon restored by an active provost guard.

General Upton was directed to march at day
light the next morning with his division for the pur
pose of driving Chalmers west of the Cahawba, to
open communication with McCook, who was ex
pected from Centreville, and to assist him in bring
ing in the train. On the 5th, McCook and Upton
arrived with the train, but nothing definite had been
heard of Croxton.

On April 6th, Wilson, having ordered his engi
neer officer to lay the bridge, which had been pre
paring, over the Alabama River, with the utmost
dispatch, went to Cahawba to see Forrest, who had
agreed to meet him there under a flag of truce to
arrange an exchange of prisoners. Wilson soon dis
covered that he need not expect liberality in the
matter, and that Forrest hoped to recapture the
prisoners in his hands. During the conversation
Wilson learned from Forrest that Croxton had had
an engagement with Wirt Adams near Bridgeville,
forty miles southwest of Tuscaloosa, two days be
fore. This assured Wilson of Croxton's success and
safety, and he determined to lose no time in cross
ing to the south side of the Alabama. Returning to
Selma, he urged every one to the utmost exertions.
The river was quite full and rising, its current swift,
strong, and full of floating drift-wood. The weather
was also unsettled and rainy, but by great labor
night and day the bridge, eight hundred and seventy
feet long, was completed. During the night it was
lighted by the blaze of burning buildings, and the

Division Commander of Cavalry. 159

command had all crossed by daylight of the loth.
Behind them, in the destroyed arsenal, foundries,
arms, stores, and military munitions of every kind,
the national troops had left immense ruin. They
had struck the Confederacy a disastrous blow.

In determining his future course from Selma,
Wilson had carefully considered all the influencing
circumstances. He consulted Upton freely and
fully, and had his concurrence and approval in the
plan of operations adopted. Generals Grant and
Thomas had given him discretionary powers and a
roving commission. Two routes lay open before
him : one, to proceed to Mobile and assist Canby ; the
other, to march east and unite his forces with those of
Sherman. He chose the latter, for he rightly con
jectured that Mobile itself would soon fall, almost
before he could reach that place, and he could be of
no particular advantage to Canby. The great sup
ply depot for the use of the besieged having been
destroyed, and the heart of the State being in his
possession, the fall of Mobile was a question of a
few days at the farthest, for he knew from the Con
federate papers of the close investment of the de
fenses, and his cavalry command would scarcely be
of any more advantage to Canby than the division
already there. Subsequent results confirmed the
wisdom of his decision, for Spanish Fort was evacu
ated on April 8th, Blakely was carried by assault
on the Qth, and Mobile fell on the I3th.

He therefore put his corps in motion for Mont
gomery, with LaGrange's brigade, of McCook's di
vision, in the advance. Skirmishing with some Ala
bama cavalry, the next day's march brought the

160 Emory Upton.

command to the beautiful town of Lownesboro. The
next day McCook's division entered Montgomery
without resistance, and the troops were gladdened
with the sight of the United States flag flying from
the dome of the Capitol, where the Confederate flag
had been raised four years before.

The remainder of the campaign is given with
sufficient detail for our purpose in Upton's report
of the operations of his division, which is here in
serted in full as a typical document, showing per
sonal modesty, unstinted liberality to his associate
and subordinate commanders, and praise to his
worthy troopers.

HEADQUARTERS FOURTH DIVISION CAVALRY CORPS,
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, May, 1865.

Major E. B. BEAUMONT, Assistant Adjutant-General,

Cavalry Corps, M. D. M.

I have the honor to submit the following report
of the operations of the Fourth Cavalry Division
during the late campaign :

To avoid delay in leaving Chickasaw, the train
was sent on the iQth of March to Cherokee Station,
on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, and was
followed by the First Brigade, commanded by
brevet Brigadier-General Winslow on the 2ist.

The general movement commenced on the 22d
of March ; Winslow's brigade and train camping
near Throckmorton's Mill; the Second Brigade,
commanded by brevet Brigadier-General Alexan
der, camping on Cave Creek, twenty -five miles from
Chickasaw.

March 2jd. — Left Russellville to our right, and

Division Commander of Cavalry. 161

camped at Newbury, distance thirty miles. Found
plenty of corn and provisions.

March 2^.tJi. — March resumed, General Alexander
moving from Mount Hope via Houston toward
Clear Creek Falls, General Winslow and train via
Kinlock, and Hubbard's Mill on head - waters of
Sipsey. The road was exceedingly mountainous,
and forage scarce. First Brigade made sixteen
miles.

March 2$th. — Brigades united and camped at
Clear Creek Falls, distance thirty miles. Country
almost destitute of forage.

March 26th. — Winslow was directed to move via
Bartonville and Hanly's Mill toward Elyton ; Alex
ander and train via Jasper and Democrat. Wins-
low, finding the Sipsey River unfordable, moved
down the Black Warrior to Sanders's Ferry, where
the division camped for the night — distance twenty-
three miles ; forage found below Sanders's Ferry.

March 2jth. — Crossed Black Warrior over an
extremely dangerous ford. Alexander's brigade
camped on the east bank of Locust Ford. Wins-
low's brigade marched all night and arrived on
west bank at 4 A. M. next day ; distance fifteen
miles. Provisions and forage scarce.

March 28th. — Marched at 10 A. M. ; Alexander's
brigade camping at Elyton, Winslow's on Hawkins's
plantation, two miles west ; distance twenty miles.
The road was exceedingly rough. At the end of
the day's march we debouched into a beautiful val
ley, rich in provisions and forage.

Patterson's regiment from Northern Alabama
passed through Elyton, just before the arrival of

1 62 Emory Upton.

the division, its rear-guard being driven out by
General Alexander's advance.

By direction of the brevet major-general com
manding the corps, the train remained at Elyton till
the arrival of the corps train.

March 2$th. — The division moved at 10.30 A. M.,
with a view to secure a crossing over the Cahawba
River that night ; but the ford having been ob
structed by Patterson's regiment, and a heavy rain
setting in, which soon raised the river, prevented
more than one regiment getting across ; distance
fifteen miles. The Mcllvaine and Rich Mountain
Iron-Works were destroyed near Elyton.

March joth. — General Winslow converted the
railroad-bridge over the Cahawba into a foot-bridge,
and at 9.30 A. M. the crossing commenced. The
division camped at Montevallo ; distance, seventeen
miles. Roads were bad ; forage and provisions
found in abundance around Montevallo. A colliery
and the Central Iron-Works were destroyed near
the Cahawba, while detachments sent out from
Montevallo destroyed the Columbiana and Bibb
Iron- Works.

There being strong indications of the enemy's
presence in large force, the division awaited the
arrival of the corps.

March jist. — The brevet major-general com
manding the corps having arrived, I was directed
to move out at 1.30 P. M. About two miles south of
the town the advance of Roddy's division was en
countered. It was immediately charged by Gen
eral Alexander, and driven back in great confusion
upon their main position beyond a difficult creek,

Division Commander of Cavalry. 163

abandoning arms and accoutrements at every step.
Dispositions were at once made to turn the enemy's
right, while Rodney's Battery I, Fourth United
States Artillery, was placed in position and opened
fire. After some skirmishing, without awaiting a
trial of arms, the enemy withdrew.

General Winslow now took up the pursuit, and
by a series of brilliant and impetuous charges drove
the enemy until late in the night, capturing many
prisoners, arms, and accoutrements. The division,
elated with having ridden down the enemy in every
conflict during the day, camped three miles north
of Randolph, having made fourteen miles.

April i st. — The pursuit was resumed as far as
Randolph, where, pursuant to your instructions, the
division took the road to the left, leading to Old
Maplesville, leaving the main Selma road, along
which the enemy retired, for General Long's divis
ion. To cover the movement, the advance-guard
was directed to pursue the enemy a mile and a half,
and then remain till relieved by General Long's
division. Proceeding about four miles to the left
of Randolph, my command took a road to the right,
leading through Maplesville Station, and intersect
ing the main Selma road at Ebenezer Church.

o

Anticipating an opportunity to flank the enemy
at this point, the march of the division was hastened,
and at 4 P. M. he was found in position, his force,
commanded by General Forrest in person, consist
ing of infantry, artillery, and cavalry, his right
resting on Mulberry Creek, and his left on a high
wooded ridge near Bogler's Creek. General Alex
ander threw his brigade into action, dismounted

164 Emory Upton.

with great celerity, and, after a stubborn fight of
an hour's duration, routed the enemy and captured
his guns. General Winslow took up the pursuit
with his brigade mounted, captured three hundred
prisoners and drove the enemy through Planters-
ville, nineteen miles from Selma, when the division
camped for the night, having made twenty miles.

April 2d. — The division marched at 10 A. M. for
Selma, following the Second Division, arriving in
front of the fortifications on the Plantersville road
at 4 P. M. It was being placed in position, prepara
tory to a night attack on the enemy's right, when
Long's division carried the work in its front. The
division was immediately ordered forward, the
skirmish-line driving the enemy from the works in
its front, and capturing five pieces of artillery.
General Winslow brought forward the Fourth
Iowa at a gallop, and, charging into the city in
various directions, captured several pieces of artil
lery and several hundred prisoners. The Seventh
Ohio Cavalry was sent out on the Burnsville road,
and captured four guns, one hundred and twenty-
five prisoners, and many small-arms.

April jd. — The division moved out from Selma
with instructions to pursue the remnants of For
rest's command across the Cahawba River, and to
meet and escort the general train to the city. It
returned on the 6th, having made a circuit of ninety
miles.

April 8th. — At 9 P. M. the division commenced
crossing the Alabama River on a ponton-bridge.
The passage was soon interrupted by the descent
of drift-wood, which carried the bridge away. The

Division Commander of Cavalry. 165

bridge was repaired at about 2 P. M. on the Qth, and
the crossing was resumed, but was again interrupted
by descending drift-wood. The breach was repaired
by 6 p. M., and at 9 P. M. the division was across and
encamped on the south bank. General Alexander
narrowly escaped with his life while endeavoring
to pass a heavy log safely under the bridge.

April lotJi. — Marched for Montgomery, and en
camped at Church Hill ; distance, twenty-four miles.
Plenty of forage.

April 1 1 tli. — Marched at 5.30 A. M. ; crossed Big
Swamp or Big Swamp Creek, and camped at Colo
nel Harrison's, four miles east of Lownesboro ; dis
tance, twelve miles.

April 1 2th. — Marched at 5.30 A.M.; passed through
Montgomery at 4 o'clock P. M., and camped four
miles east on Columbus road ; distance, twenty-
seven miles.

LaGrange's brigade, of McCook's division, hav
ing been placed under my command, I received
orders on the I4th to march to the Chattahoochee
to secure the bridge over that river, either at Co
lumbus or West Point, thereby opening for the cav
alry corps the road into Georgia. In pursuance of
these instructions, I sent LaGrange's brigade, via
Tuskegee and Opelika, to West Point, where he
arrived on the i6th. He immediately attacked the
garrison at that place, capturing it and securing the
bridge. My own division marched directly on
Columbus, eighty miles distant.

Columbus is a fortified city of twelve thousand
inhabitants, situated on the east bank of the Chatta
hoochee. Three bridges span the river at this point :

1 66 Emory Upton.

one a foot-bridge at the lower end of the city ; the
others, a foot and a railroad bridge, are three-fourths
of a mile above, opposite the upper end of the city.
There is a fourth bridge at Clapp's Factory, three
miles above, which was destroyed upon the ap
proach of Captain Young, of the Tenth Missouri,
who was sent to secure it.

On the west bank of the river, between the upper
and lower bridges, lies the small town of Girard.
Mill Creek, which flows through an open valley
about a mile in width, separating two prominent
ridges, which approach the river perpendicularly,
and overlook the city, empties into the river near
the center of Girard. The lower bridge was de
fended from the east bank by a rifle-pit, with three
pieces of artillery sweeping it. The upper foot
and railroad bridges were defended by a tcte-dc-pont
consisting of two redoubts connected by a range of
rifle-pits about three quarters of a mile in length,
extending across the upper ridge, well strengthened
by felled timber in front. The lower redoubt, situ
ated just below the upper ridge, contained six and
twelve pounder howitzers. Four and ten pounder
Parrott guns were in position on its right. These
guns completely swept Mill Creek Valley. The
upper redoubt contained four guns commanding
the Summerfield road.

Five guns swept the railroad and two eight-inch
howitzers the upper foot-bridge, making in all twen
ty-four guns in position.

The works were held by about twenty-seven
hundred infantry. The division, moving along the
lower Crawford road, arrived opposite the lower

Division Commander of Cavalry. 167

bridge at about 2 p. M. Colonel Eggleston, com
manding the advance-guard, immediately charged
to secure it, but was received with a heavy fire of
artillery and musketry, while the bridge, previously
prepared with combustible material, was at the
same time fired. He therefore retired behind the
ridge. Rodney's battery fired a few shots, which
developed the position of the enemy's artillery.

It being impossible to attack the tete-de-pont from
this direction, Alexander's brigade was placed in
position along the crest of the lower ridge, while
Winslow's brigade, making a wide detour, was sent,
under cover, across to the Summerfield road on the
upper ridge.

His brigade was preceded by two companies of
the Fifth Iowa Cavalry, under Captain Lewis, who
drove in the opposing picket and charged gallantly
upon a strong line of works which, in the darkness,
appeared to be the enemy's main position. General
Winslow at once disposed his command for the at
tack, the plan of which was, to penetrate the works
with dismounted men, and then to send a mounted
force through the breach, with directions to charge
directly upon the bridge.

The assault was made about 9 P. M., under cover
of darkness, by six companies of the Third Iowa
Cavalry, commanded by Colonel Noble. The first
line of works was soon carried, and, being mis
taken for the main line, two companies of the Tenth
Missouri were ordered to charge the bridge. These
companies, supposed by the enemy to be their own
men, passed through the works on the Summerfield
road unharmed, charged and secured the bridge,

1 68 Emory Upton.

capturing many prisoners. Captain McGlasson,
finding himself in the enemy's rear and vastly out
numbered, rejoined his regiment.

In the mean time the main line opened fire upon
the right Avith grape and musketry. The Third
Iowa pressed forward through a slashing a hundred
yards deep, and, after a charge unexampled in cav
alry service, and with but few parallels in infantry,
crowned the works.

General Winslow promptly followed up the suc
cess. Ignoring the redoubt on the right, which still
continued its fire, the Fourth Iowa, dismounted, un
der Captain Abraham, passed through the breach,
turned to the right, charged the redoubt, captured
ten guns, and then, sweeping across the bridge with
the flying rebels, captured t\vo howitzers, loaded
with grape and canister, at the opposite end.

Mounted companies from the same regiment fol
lowed in rear of Captain Abraham, and, after cross
ing the bridge, turned to the right and charged in
flank the works at the lo\ver bridge, capturing pris
oners and the three guns at that point.

By 10 P. M., Columbus, with its vast munitions
of war, fifteen hundred prisoners, and twenty-four
guns, was in our hands. This victory, which was
the closing conflict of the war, was achieved with
the loss of but thirty men killed and wounded.

April 1 8th, at 8.30 A. M., the division marched
for Macon, via Double Bridge and Thomaston, ar
riving and going into camp at East Macon on the
evening of the 2ist. The march was through a rich
country, and the distance was ninety-eight miles.
Here, official information of the armistice between

Division Commander of Cavalry. 169

Generals Sherman and Johnston having been re
ceived, the campaign closed.

The conduct of the officers and men during the
campaign is deserving of the highest commenda
tion. Whether mounted or dismounted, but one
spirit prevailed, and that was to run over the ene
my wherever found or whatever might be his num
bers. Nothing but the impetuosity of the charges,
whereby the enemy was not given time to defend
himself, can account for the small list of casualties,
amounting in all to ninety-eight killed and wound
ed. In every conflict the troops actually engaged
were vastly outnumbered.

At Ebenezer Church, General Alexander routed
Forrest's command with less than one thousand men,
while General Winslow carried the formidable
works at Columbus with but eleven hundred men.
From the members of my staff — Brevet-Major James
W. Latta, Assistant Adjutant-General ; Captain Tom
C. Gilpin, acting Aide-de-camp ; Lieutenant Sloan
Keck, acting Aide-de-camp ; Lieutenant Peter Keck,
Ordnance Officer — I received, on all occasions,
prompt and gallant assistance.

The division arrived at Macon in good fighting
condition.

I respectfully refer you to the accompanying re
ports of the brigade commanders, in which the
charges of the regiments under their commands are
minutely described, also mentioning the names of
officers and men distinguishing themselves for gal
lantry and soldierly conduct.

In conclusion, I desire to ascribe the success of
the division, in the first degree to the zeal, energy,

170 Emory Upton.

and ability displayed by Generals Winslow and
Alexander, commanding First and Second Bri
gades. They have shown in every battle great
skill and gallantry, and possess, in an eminent de
gree, all the qualities of cavalry officers. I respect
fully urge their immediate promotion for the good
of the service. Inclosed is a list of officers and
men who have distinguished themselves and are en
titled to promotion.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

E. UPTON,
Brevet Major-General Commanding Fourth Division.

In the brief campaign which we have described,
Upton's success as a cavalry officer had been so
conspicuous that it satisfied not only his corps com
mander but himself. In his enthusiasm over the
capture of Columbus, under cover of darkness, he
frequently remarked that he had just learned one of
the greatest possibilities of war, and did not doubt
that he could go anywhere in the Confederacy, and
do anything which might be required of his divis
ion. It gave him a practical lesson in regard to
the relative proportions and power of the three
arms in the make-up of an army, which he could
never have had without the experience of this cam
paign.

A brief reference to Croxton's operations will
serve. to complete the story of this campaign.

Croxton's brigade, of McCook's division, con
sisted of the Second Michigan Cavalry, the Fourth
Kentucky Mounted Infantry, the Sixth Kentucky
Cavalry, and the Eighth Iowa Cavalry, fifteen hun-

Division Commander of Cavalry. 171

dred effective in all. He took no artillery nor train,
save one headquarters baggage-wagon, three am
bulances, and the allowance of pack-mules. Each
trooper had one hundred and twenty rounds of am
munition, and was armed with the Spencer carbine.
After the capture of Tuscaloosa, knowing that Jack
son and Chalmers were between him and Selma, he
thought it too hazardous to reach that place via
Centreville. He therefore decided to move toward
Eutaw, in the hope of crossing the Black Warrior
lower down, and cutting the railroad between Selma
and Demopolis.

On the 5th of April he recrossed the Black War
rior, burned the bridge, marched out on the Colum
bus (Mississippi) road, and on the 6th turned toward
Eutaw. The same morning General Wirt Adams,
with fifteen hundred men, left Pickensville at seven
o'clock, intending to join Forrest via Finche's Ferry.
Croxton at that time thought his force was larger.

About 2 P. M. Adams's men began to annoy the
rear of Croxton's brigade, near Pleasant Ridge.
Meantime Croxton had recrossed the Sipsey River
and turned on the military road toward Tuscaloosa.
About 5 P. M. Adams charged the rear of Croxton
with much vigor, and captured or disabled about a
third of the Sixth Kentucky Cavalry. The Second
Michigan formed line, and, by a series of successful
volleys, succeeded in saving the rest of the Ken
tucky regiment, and completely held the advancing
enemy in check, and caused, at dark, their with
drawal with considerable loss. After accomplishing
this, this gallant regiment marched on and overtook
the rest of the brigade in camp at twelve o'clock.

172 Emory Upton.

On the 7th, Croxton went into camp at North-
port, a few miles from Tuscaloosa. His foraging
parties and scouts on the road to Columbus misled
Adams, who, believing Columbus to be Croxton's
objective, turned his column in that direction and
arrived there at i P. M. on the 8th, having marched
forty-five miles in eleven hours. This put him sev
enty miles northwest of Croxton. Chalmers was
moving toward Columbus at the same time, and ar
rived there on the 9th.

On the 1 2th, Croxton, having successfully ac
complished the purpose of his diversion, marched
northward, and, passing on through Jasper, re-
crossed the West Fork of the Black Warrior at
Hanly's Mills, marched nearly due east via Mount
Penson and Trussville, crossed the Coosa at True's
and Collins's Ferries, and continued on to Talladega,
a region rich in mineral resources. On the 22d of
April, the Eighth Iowa being in advance, he charged
into Talladega, putting General B. H. Hill's bri
gade to flight. Replenishing haversacks, he pushed
on northeastwardly on the 23d, destroying the rail
road and skirmishing with Hill, who was falling
back to Jacksonville. In the region of the Blue
Mountains, Croxton destroyed valuable iron and
niter works, besides railroad-bridges, depots, and
rolling-stock.

On the 25th, Croxton moved out on the road
leading to Newham, Georgia. The next day, while
crossing the Chattahoochee, he heard of the fall of
Richmond, the surrender of Lee, and the assassina
tion of Lincoln. He arrived, with his brigade in
good condition, at Forsyth, Georgia, April 29th, and

Division Commander of Cavalry. 1 73

reported to General Wilson, then at Macon, Geor
gia. Without delay the cavalry corps was distrib
uted throughout Georgia and Florida to receive
the surrender of detached commands, and within a
few weeks most of the regiments were mustered
out of the service.

Upton was sent to Augusta, Georgia, and took
possession of the United States Arsenal and other
public property there. On this occasion, as he
raised the United States flag on the arsenal-grounds
(May 8, 1865), he thus addressed his command :

" Soldiers ! Four years ago the Governor of
Georgia, at the head of an armed force, hauled
down the American flag at this arsenal. The Presi
dent of the United States called the nation to arms
to repossess the forts and arsenals which had been
seized. After four years of sanguinary war and
conflict we execute the order of the great preserver
of union and liberty, and to-day we again hoist the
stars and stripes over the United States Arsenal at
Augusta. Majestically, triumphantly she rises ! "

But Peace, with her manifold blessings, had
come. Our gallant soldiers had done their part to
save the country from destruction. The claims of
home and family now began to assert themselves
with renewed strength as the days of battle re
ceded. And how grandly our volunteer soldiers at
once put off the " pomp and circumstance of glori
ous war," to begin again the patient toil for their
daily bread, history records to their undying honor
and glory.

174 Emory Upton.

The parting of the troops from their trusted
commanders shows depth of feeling- and devotion
possible only among men who love liberty and
fight to maintain it. As a type of this heart-felt af
fection which bound them together we have this
testimonial.

ATLANTA, May 24, 1865.

GENERAL : In behalf of the officers and men it
has been my high honor to command, I hereby ten
der to you the regrets of the Tenth Regiment of
Cavalry, Missouri Volunteers, at the sundering of
the ties that have bound us together during the past
five months.

Believe me, general, that the pleasure of laying
down our arms and resuming the peaceful avoca
tions of citizens, and the bright prospect of a happy
peace for our beloved country, alone take away any
of the pangs caused by this separation. The march
from Chickasaw to Macon, embracing the glorious
fields of " Montevallo," " Ebenezer Church," " Sel-
ma," and " Columbus," has proved to us the kind
ness of your heart toward your comrades in arms,
and the fact that you are justly entitled to the honors
your country has conferred upon you.

Under you my regiment has terminated a glo
rious term of service by a campaign unsurpassed by
any during the wars of modern times.

The memory of that campaign shall ever re
main fresh and bright in all our hearts.

In conclusion, receive from us a farewell the
bitter of which is sweetened by our bright pros
pects for the future.

Division Commander of Cavalry. 175

With much esteem I remain your obedient serv
ant,

F. W. BENTEEN, Lieutenant-Colonel,
Commanding Tenth Cavalry, Missouri Volunteers.

BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL E. UPTON,

Commanding Fourth Division Cavalry Corps,
Military Division of the Mississippi.

This sentiment of affection was mutual between
Upton and his command, and on taking leave of his
soldiers he issued this order:

HEADQUARTERS FOURTH DIVISION CAVALRY CORPS,
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,

EDGEFIELD, TENN., June 10, 1865.

General Orders No. 21.

Before severing his connection with the com
mand, the brevet major-general commanding desires
to express his high appreciation of the bravery,
endurance, and soldierly qualities displayed by the
officers and men of his division in the late cavalry
campaign. Leaving Chickasaw, Alabama, on the
22d of March as a new organization and without
status in the cavalry corps, you in one month trav
ersed six hundred miles, crossed six rivers, met and
defeated the enemy at Montevallo, Alabama, capt
uring one hundred prisoners ; routed Forrest, Bu-
ford, and Roddy in their chosen position at Ebene.
zer Church, capturing two guns and three hundred
prisoners ; carried the works in your front at Selma,
capturing thirteen guns, eleven hundred prisoners,
and five battle-flags ; and finally crowned your suc
cesses by a night assault upon the enemy's intrench-
ments at Columbus, Georgia, where you captured

176 Emory Upton.

fifteen hundred prisoners, twenty-four guns, eight
battle-flags, and vast munitions of war.

April 2ist, you arrived at Macon, Georgia, hav
ing captured on your march three thousand prison
ers, thirty -nine pieces of artillery, and thirteen battle-
flags.

Whether mounted, with the saber, or dismount
ed, with the carbine, the brave men of the Third,
Fourth, and Fifth Iowa, First and Seventh Ohio, and
Tenth Missouri Cavalry, triumphed over the enemy
in every conflict.

With regiments led by brave colonels, and bri
gades commanded with consummate skill and dar
ing, the division in thirty days won a reputation un
surpassed in the service.

Though many of you have not received the re
ward to which your gallantry has entitled you, you
have, nevertheless, received the commendation of
your superior officers, and won the admiration and
gratitude of your countrymen.

You will return to your homes with the proud
consciousness of having defended the flag of your
country in the hour of the greatest national peril,
while, through your instrumentality, liberty and
civilization will have advanced the greatest stride
recorded in history.

The best wishes of your commanding general
will ever attend you.

(Signed) E. UPTON,

Brevet Major-General commanding.
(Official.)

JAMES W. LATTA,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

Division Commander of Cavalry. 177

General Wilson, his own immediate commander,
recognized Upton's services, and expressed in the
following letter, written almost immediately after
the close of the campaign, his opinion of his merits :

(Extract.)

HEADQUARTERS CAVALRY CORPS,
MILITARY DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
MACON, GA., April 24, 1865.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant-Adjutant-Gcncral United States Army.

GENERAL: ... I have the honor to recommend
the following promotion :

Brevet Major-General Emory Upton, United
States Volunteers, to be major-general, to date from
April i, 1865, for personal gallantry and good man
agement in the engagement of Ebenezer Station,
Alabama, also at Columbus, Georgia, where, by a
night attack with three hundred men, he carried the
rebel works, and captured the bridge over the Chat-
tahoochee River, and took twelve hundred prisoners
and fifty-two guns.

Throughout the entire campaign General Upton
has exhibited the highest qualities of a general offi
cer, and has demonstrated his fitness for advance
ment.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient

servant,

JAMES H. WILSON,

Brevet Major-General.
(Official.)
E. B. BEAUMONT,

Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.

178 Emory Upton.

The duties which now fell to Upton's lot were
those incident to that of all general officers of this
period of approaching peace. The main business
was economy. The burdens of the war were enor
mous, and the Government was no less anxious than
the soldiers to get again into peaceful pursuits, and
to reduce quickly the vast daily expenses of a war
establishment. But, of course, this required time
for its orderly evolution, and Upton's services were
retained in the South till the middle of August. On
the ist of July he was ordered to report to General
George Stoneman, commanding the Department of
Tennessee, and was by him assigned to the com
mand of the First Cavalry Division of that depart
ment, and on the I3th of July he was ordered to re
port to General A. C. Gillem, commanding the Dis
trict of East Tennessee, for assignment to the com
mand of all the cavalry of that district, with station
at Lenoir, Tennessee. After a month's service he
had completed the duty requiring his presence in
this military department, and was relieved August
1 5th, and ordered by War Department General Or
der No. 130 to report to Major-General John Pope,
commanding the Department of the Missouri. He
had completed his active service in the field, which,
characterized throughout by modest, patient, and
persistent labor in preparation, and by every mili
tary virtue in actual conflict, had shed no less luster
on our arms than honor and renown upon himself.

CHAPTER VI.

SERVICE IN COLORADO.— TACTICS.

THE hardships and dangers of active campaign
ing were now happily ended, but the routine life
of camp, varied only by a change of locality from
time to time, was by no means as exciting as the life
to which the troops had been accustomed. Their
past years had been filled with the excitement of
the march and the fever of battle, and they soon
tired of the ennui of camp. The war being ended,
there was now no sufficient reason in their minds
why they should not at once return to their homes
and attend to their families and their private inter
ests.

It was a wise policy, therefore, on the part of
the Government to muster them out of service as
rapidly as possible. But, although this policy was
almost essential, for the rapid decrease in the enor
mous expenditure which the army entailed, other
considerations, connected with the unsettled condi
tion of the Southern territory, demanded that a con
siderable force should yet be retained in the service
until such new conditions of life should be evolved
in the South as to insure a certain stability and be
come sufficiently adapted to the requirements of a
brave but exhausted people.

These retained troops were, therefore, distrib-

180 Emory Upton.

uted throughout the Southern States in detach
ments of sufficient strength, and located at such
points as were considered important for the pur
poses of the reconstructive measures undertaken
by the Government. The new duties to which offi
cers and men were assigned were far different from
those to which they had been accustomed, and re
quired of them patience and forbearance as well as
the exercise of great discretion in the unsettled and
sometimes turbulent region to which they were
assigned. To the men at least this additional serv
ice was a great grievance, and an ever - present
cause of unrest. Anxiety as to the condition of
their families, and the deferred pleasures of a re
turn to their homes, together with the difficulties
attached to service in a community where the sen
timent was hostile, all contributed to make them
look forward with eagerness to their honorable dis
charge. To the officers there were compensating
advantages in their continued employment, since
the pay they received was ample to provide for
their families, and they could readily obtain short
leaves of absence to visit their homes and make pro
vision for the coming day of discharge, or antici
pate it under favorable opportunities by resigning.
General Upton's thoughts were still directed to
the home of his youth. His parents, brothers, and
sisters were still those to whom his affections most
strongly turned. And so pure was the atmosphere
of his home that its memories were the most potent
of all influences which had so far kept him a noble
man and a Christian soldier during the many vicis
situdes of his active career.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 181

Having completed the duty to which he was as
signed, he was relieved from service in Tennessee
on the I4th of August, and ordered to report to
Major-General Pope, commanding the Department
of Missouri, who assigned him to the command of
the district of Colorado, with headquarters at Den
ver. Making but a short delay, he proceeded over
land from Leavenworth to his new station, and we
have in the following letter an account of the inci
dents of his journey :

DENVER, October i, 1865.

MY DEAR SISTER: I have the pleasure of an
nouncing my arrival safe at my journey's end, after
a long and somewhat weary march. We left Leav
enworth on the 3 ist of August. Our outfit con
sisted of one four-mule wagon, a four-mule ambu
lance, two saddle-horses, and two mules. My only
traveling-companion was Major Latta, my assistant
adjutant-general. Having tents and a larder well
supplied, we were in as good condition as any party
that ever crossed the plains. After four days' march
we arrived at Fort Riley, where we laid over one
day, and were most handsomely entertained by
General Sanborn. The escort of four hundred
cavalry was nearly up here, and on the 6th of
September, all preparations being made, we set out
via the Smoky Hill for Denver.

On the third day we passed Fort Ellsworth, on
the Santa Fe road, and entered the buffalo country.
Of course, every one has to "kill his buffalo";
and, mounted on a good horse, I made my first
effort, which was a failure, as was also the second ;
but the third was a success.

1 82 Emory Upton.

You can scarcely imagine the excitement of a
buffalo-chase. Mounted on a fleet horse, and armed
with two or three revolvers, you single out a large
herd and gallop toward it. They soon see you, and,
taking the alarm from some old bull, follow him,
generally running toward the wind. It is a beauti
ful sight to see them as they take the alarm and gal
lop away. With a large mane which gives them a
terribly ferocious look, they seem to run as if on
three legs, and you doubt not that a few seconds
more will see you in their midst. But not so!
After a sharp run you begin to approach them,
your horse then takes the excitement, and, increas
ing his speed, closes upon them.

With the pistol cocked, and your eye upon a
particular one, you close to fifteen or twenty feet
and fire.

On they go, up steep hills and across deep ra
vines, the only effect of your shot being to increase
their speed. The big bulls in the rear, apprehen
sive of their charge, hook up those which lag be
hind. With the dust in your face and your horse
foaming, you close again and fire at the same buf
falo, who, finally crippled or maddened by his
wounds, lags behind, lunges at you as you ap
proach, and, finally exhausted, stops to give battle.
You have now won the day, and a good shot or
two will close the struggle. Yet often as many as
fifteen or twenty shots have to be fired before the
vulnerable part is struck.

The heart is the only spot where one shot will
kill. The skull seems to be as impenetrable as
rock, and they will only shake the head when struck

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 183

there. Their meat is very tough except the tender
loin, sirloin, and hump above the shoulders, which
are quite delicate. These parts, in addition to the
liver, heart, and tongue, are all that are used for
meat, the remainder being left for the wolves.

The number of buffalo is astonishing, and often
you find yourself among herds which extend for
miles farther than the eye can reach.

The large gray wolf and the coyote always ac
company them, and subsist mainly upon their flesh.
Their howl has a most dismal sound, and awakens
recollections of all the wolf-stories one has ever
read. Prairie-dogs were frequent everywhere along
our route. They live in villages — the different holes
communicating with each other. They are about
twice the size of a red squirrel, and I suppose from
their chirp or bark take their name. The owl and
rattlesnake come into their habitations without in
vitation.

Polecats were numerous on the plains, as were
also antelope. Antelope-meat is the most delicate I
ever tasted. The animal has short horns and a
wonderful bump of curiosity, which often proves
fatal to it ; for many times it will approach close to
you to ascertain definitely what you are. Once sat
isfied that there is harm, it will bound over the prai
rie at a marvelous speed. The hare or jack-rabbit is
a queer little animal, which every few steps takes a
high leap into the air, making his course very eccen
tric. We saw one tarantula, which belongs to the
spider family. Its legs were two or three inches long
and its body about four times the size of the largest
black spider. Its bite is exceedingly venomous.

184 Emory Upton.

The plains are not so level as the Illinois prairies.
Gulches and ravines, with deep beds of sand on
their bottoms, frequently intersected our path. The
Smoky Hill was nearly always to our left. Along
its banks were a few cottonwood-trees, which were
always a most welcome sight. The grass on the
plains is very short but very nutritious. Water
occurred about every twelve or fifteen miles, but
sometimes we had to go twenty or more. At such
times we experienced the same feelings of joy as
travelers in the Sahara.

Geologically, the country was very interesting.
The amount of denudation that has taken place was
never more perceptible. We could frequently see
ledges of rock on both sides of the river having the
same elevation, while the river-bed was a hundred
feet or more below. Evidently the immense amount
of alluvium that it would require to fill this valley
had been washed away, and doubtless for ages has
been depositing in the Delta of the Mississippi. You
have but to see the work Nature has done in wear
ing away the surface near one of the tributaries of
the Mississippi, to readily believe the statement that
two billion tons of detritus are annually deposited
at the mouth of that great river.

Fremont's Fort or Buttes is a high table-land,
two hundred feet above the surrounding country.
Its surface is level, immediately underlying which
is a stratum of rock about fourteen feet thick. Be
low this is a compact clay, I think (I did not have
time to visit it). Time has worn the surrounding
country away, but this table remains, to show where
once was the original surface.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 185

About the 2/th of September we came in sight
of Pike's Peak. It is a lofty monarch, with no as
sociate to dispute its pre-eminence. Long's Peak
came into view two days later, but, springing from
the main chain, upon approach does not appear so
high, although it is a few hundred feet higher.

On the 29th we got the first fine view of the
mountains. I will not attempt to describe the beau
ty or sublimity of the scene, but will simply state
that we stood on a high divide. Below was a beau
tiful table-land, extending to the base of the mount
ain ; to our left was Pike's Peak, over thirteen thou
sand feet high ; to our right was Long's Peak, with
still greater altitude. Connecting them, a distance
of nearly sixty miles, was a lofty range, its crest be
ing nearly horizontal, but varied occasionally by
bold and rugged summits, often a thousand feet or
more above the range to the right of Long's Peak,
and, extending as far as the eye could reach, ap
peared the lofty peaks of the Snowy Range. Three
hundred feet below us lay the valley of Cherry
Creek, which winds its way to the Platte, its course
being visible by the trees that line its banks.

Add to this the fact that the sun had but just
risen, and I will leave to your imagination to sup
ply the picture. I never saw beauty and sublimity
so magnificently blended, and felt that that one
scene would more than compensate a year's toil and
privation.

We arrived at Denver on the evening of the
29th. It lies at the mouth of Cherry Creek, and,
though but six years old, has a population of four
thousand. The people of the Territory are, of

1 86 Emory Upton.

course, not so polished as Eastern people, but I
have met many nice gentlemen. Prices are enor
mously high. Board at hotels is one hundred and
thirty-five dollars per month, and other things in
proportion. I shall soon go over my district on an
inspection tour, and will have a fine opportunity to
see the scenery, which I am satisfied rivals any in
the world. I will write anything that may be of
interest.

During his service in Colorado Upton made fre
quent inspections of his command, and, as was his
custom, learned all that he could in regard to mat
ters going on about him. The mining interests
were, of course, all-absorbing to the people of Den
ver and its vicinity, and he neglected no opportu
nity of watching the development of the methods
of mining and reducing the ore containing the pre
cious metals. He foresaw that great changes would
be brought about by the building of the Pacific Rail
road, and that its completion would give a marked
impetus to all branches of industry. To familiarize
himself with the conduct of affairs in his military
district and with the country, he visited Fort Hal-
leek, from which he returned in October, and after
ward made a trip to the mountain-region west of Den
ver. He thoroughly examined the mineral region
of Black Hawk, Central City, and Empire, and thus
added greatly to his store of useful knowledge. On
his return from his first expedition he sent the follow
ing letter to his superior military authority, wherein
he exhibits the indignation of an honest man at the
evidences of rascality that came under his notice :

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 187

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF COLORADO,
DENVER, COLORADO, October 14, 1865.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I beg leave to write you
privately and unofficially in regard to my position
as commanding officer of this district. In sending
me out here you informed me that there were many
abuses which you expected me to correct, and I was
specially enjoined to retrench in every possible man
ner the expenses of the Government. As an officer
I felt complimented by the trust you reposed in me,
and I came out with the earnest desire to carry out,
in the most minute particulars, your orders and
wishes in regard to the expenditures of the Gov
ernment. As an officer, I have always acted on the
principle that there was but one course to pursue,
and that was the straight line of duty. I was edu
cated to believe that a public dollar was as sacred
as a private one, and, to the extent that I am, or may
be, its custodian, I will ever be faithful to my trust.

I find myself surrounded by a set of unscrupu
lous contractors and speculators, who regard the
public money as their legitimate plunder. I will
defeat their villainous schemes to the utmost, be the
consequences to me what they may. I expect, in
the fearless discharge of my official duties, to call
down upon my head the venom of the entire class ;
and, as they have heretofore been all-powerful
through the money they have stolen from the Gov
ernment, I would not at any time be surprised were
they to secure my removal. I therefore write you,
general, to acquaint you with the situation. All
that I ask is to be supported by my superior offi
cers, and if, by the faithful discharge of my duties,

1 88 Emory Upton.

I secure their commendation, I shall care nothing
for the abuse or vituperation of a horde of defeated
speculators. I have just returned from an inspec
tion of Fort Halleck and Camp Ward well, and will
immediately forward official report.

I trust you will not consider that I have tran
scended the bounds of official propriety in address
ing this communication.

During Upton's sojourn in Colorado, the reduc
tion and reorganization of the army were engaging
the attention of the Washington authorities. He
knew that a very short service would soon terminate
his career as a general officer of volunteers, and that
he would then return to his lineal rank as a captain
of artillery in the regular army.

He hoped, however, that in the reorganization
he would be offered higher rank in one of the new
regiments than his present lineal rank of captain,
and he had assurances from distinguished officers,
whose influence would have great weight, that his
claims and services would not be overlooked. Nev
ertheless, being far distant from the seat of govern
ment, he well knew that there would be great press
ure and strong influence brought to bear to advance
the claims of other distinguished officers, and he
therefore awaited the result with some anxiety.
This anxiety would have been the less readily borne
had not other matters pressed upon him and occu
pied every moment of his leisure time.

His profession was a continual study and em
ployment for him. He loved it and devoted all his
thoughts to it. While the war was in progress, he

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 189

omitted no opportunity to study the details that are
so often accepted unquestioned by ordinary men.
Being eminently practical, and full of enthusiasm,
he never hesitated to examine into the merits of the
accepted practices of military movements and drill.
Without being an iconoclast, he had no special rev
erence for established usages, simply because they
had the authority of age. He preferred rather to
test all things by the standard of utility, and in this
spirit his mind was early directed to investigate the
subject of the tactics for infantry troops. He came
to the conclusion that the tactics in vogue were ca
pable of great improvement, and, having frequent
opportunities of testing the matter in the field, his
opinions became strengthened and to himself con
clusive.

In the spring of 1864 Upton began to formulate
his ideas ; and, having convinced himself that he
had good grounds for the prosecution of his labors,
he exhibited a practical illustration of his method for
the evolutions of a regiment, by applying it to a bat
talion of the Second Connecticut Volunteer Artil
lery, in the presence of some distinguished general
officers, a few days before the battle of Winchester.
The success attending this trial, and the encourage
ment of those witnessing it, gave him the support
he needed and heart enough to continue its devel
opment. Upon recovering from the wound he re
ceived at the battle of Winchester he sought serv
ice in the cavalry, in order to make himself familiar
with this arm of the service ; and the active cam
paign of Selma, in which the cavalry, armed with
the Spencer carbine, acted mostly as mounted in-

Emory Upton.

fantry, was of the greatest value to him in this im
portant field of professional study. Tactics became
the theme of his daily conversation, engrossed his
mind almost to the exclusion of everything else,
and he drew from every battle-field its important
lesson.

We have before remarked that he possessed, in
a remarkable degree, the coup-cToeil militaire, by
which the general features of the ground over
which his troops were operating were impressed
on his mind. This enabled him to foresee, in a
measure, the possibilities of a battle, and to deter
mine the probable movements of bodies of troops
from one position to another. He imagined how
this might best be done, taking into consideration
the important element of time, and thus the proba
ble and possible changes whereby the point of at
tack might be modified. This led him to consider
the tactical movements by which these changes
could be effected in the best manner and with the
least confusion.

The authorized infantry tactics which were in
use during the war were those of General Casey.
They were based on the French tactics of 1831 and
1845, which had served also as the model of the
tactics of General Scott and of Colonel Hardee,
which preceded those of General Casey. This offi
cer, in submitting his revision to the War Depart
ment, states : " Most undoubtedly there are still im
provements to be made ; but if the system here set
forth shall in any manner cause our armies to act
with more efficiency on the field of battle, and thus
subserve the cause of our beloved country in this

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 191

her hour of trial, my most heart-felt wishes will have
been attained."

His system was used during the war. " Its mer
its and demerits had been subjected to the test of
practice and experience," and Upton believed that
there were sufficient reasons for a revision of the
system. From the summer of 1864 until early in
1866 he studied this important subject in its theory
and practice, and, having brought his labor to the
point where he could present a new system to the
military authorities for their approval or condemna
tion, he addressed the following letter to the Adju
tant-General of the Army :

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF COLORADO, January 13, 1866.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General United States Army.

SIR : I have the honor to request to be ordered
to Washington, for the purpose of submitting to the
Honorable Secretary of War, or to a Board of Gen
eral Officers, to be convened by him, a new system
of infantry tactics, with a view to its adoption for
the infantry of the United States Army and the mili
tia throughout the United States.

The system differs fundamentally from the old
or French system, now in use, the unit being a front
of four men. It is believed to be superior to the
old system :

First. In abolishing the facings, and substituting
wheeling by fours, hereby forming a column of
fours, which you are enabled to form directly to the
right, to the left, to the front, and, by wheeling

192 Emory Upton.

about to the rear, into line, presenting always the
front rank to the enemy.

Second. It takes no cognizance of inversions,
and enables a battalion or brigade commander to
form line in any direction with the utmost facility
and ease.

Third. The number of commands has been re
duced, and there is greater uniformity among them.

Fourth. It is more simple and less voluminous.

The system when presented will embrace the
school of the soldier, the school of the company,
instructions for skirmishers, the school of the bat
talion, evolutions of the brigade, and corps d'arme'e,
and an appendix embracing evolutions of a battalion
and brigade in single rank.

The feats of dismounted cavalry, armed with the
Spencer carbine, in both the East and West, have
demonstrated the fact that one rank of men so
armed is nearly, if not quite, equal in offensive or
defensive power to two ranks armed with the
Springfield musket. If this be admitted, a one-rank
tactics becomes necessary for a certain proportion
of troops, especially those designed to turn or oper
ate on the enemy's flank.

The principle of fours enables troops to be
brought on to the field in two ranks ; to be expanded
into a single rank by a simple command ; and often
to be manoeuvred by the same commands as in two
ranks.

This can not be done by the old tactics without
an entire change of commands.

I would state that three days before the battle
of Winchester, in the presence of Brigadier-General

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 193

D. A. Russell and other officers, I applied the prin
ciple of fours to a battalion of the Second Connecti
cut Heavy Artillery with complete success ; and I
have every confidence that were a Board of Officers
to be convened at West Point, New York, I could,
by a single application of the principle to the bat
talion of cadets, fully establish, to the satisfaction of
the Board, the superiority above claimed.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

EMORY UPTON,
Brevet Major-General, United States Volunteers.

While at Denver, attending to his duties as dis
trict commander, Upton had found time to perform
all the necessary labor incident to this construction
of his system, and, on February I ith, he writes to his
sister : " My tactics being finished, I have had quite
a play-spell for the past week. I am now looking
forward to the adoption of the tactics by the War
Department, and, if successful, shall feel that I have
established a solid reputation." But he soon found
that his work was by no means completed, for on
the 6th of April he again writes : " I have been ex
tremely busy for the last six weeks, and it will no
doubt surprise you when I tell you my tactics are
not yet finished. The manuscript was completed
some time since, but the plates, which I supposed
could be easily drawn, have occupied much more
time than I anticipated. My knowledge of the rule
and triangle has again been brought into requisition,
and I feel quite like a student. It will require two
or three weeks yet to complete the work, and have
it in every sense ready for examination and publi-

194 Emory Upton.

cation. I shall then be ready to go East. Should
the work not be adopted, I shall have it published,
but I have no misgiving, as the principle is new and
entitled to consideration. Were my tactics but a
revision of the present system, with a few unimpor
tant movements added, I would not be sanguine, but
as they aim at a complete revolution, and are far
more simple, my confidence increases with every
comparison I make. You need fear no evil effects
upon me if disappointed, which I do not consider
possible, as I have military men to deal with, who
will adopt that system of tactics which is best for
the army."

On the 3oth of April, 1866, Upton was mustered
out of the volunteer service, and returned to his
rank in the regular army as captain of the Fifth
Regiment of Artillery, to which he had been pro
moted February 22, 1865.

During the delay which he was authorized to
take before joining his regiment, he visited his home,
and was also permitted to come to Washington.
While at the latter place he doubtless urged his
views in regard to his tactics, and impressed them
upon the authorities there with such effect as to
secure the appointment of a Board for their consid
eration. Accordingly, on June 5, 1866, a Board,
consisting of Colonels H. B. Glitz and H. M. Black,
General Griffin, and Captain Van Horn, was con
vened to meet at West Point, New York, " for the
purpose of recommending such changes in author
ized infantry tactics as shall make them simple and
complete, or the adoption of any new system that
may be presented to it, if such change be deemed

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 195

advisable. The Board will examine and report on
any system of infantry tactics that may be presented
to it ; and the superintendent of the Military Acad
emy will give it facilities for testing with the bat
talion of cadets the value of any system. Brevet-
Colonel E. Upton, Fifth United States Artillery, is
authorized to visit West Point, New York, to pre
sent his system to the Board."

General Griffin was, however, relieved from this
Board June 8th, at his own request, and General R.
B. Ayres, Captain Fifth Artillery, was detailed in
his stead.

On July 1 8th General Upton was ordered to
report to the President of the Board, and to hold
himself in readiness to exhibit his tactics in the
school of the battalion to the Board.

The result of the investigations of this Board,
together with the indorsement of General Grant
upon its report, is given in the following papers:

WEST POINT, NEW YORK( January, 1867.
To the Adjutant-General U. S. A., Washington City,

D, C.

GENERAL: The Board of Officers assembled at
this place by virtue of Special Orders Nos. 264 and
272, of June 5th and 8th, 1866, War Department,
Adjutant-General's Office, " for the purpose of rec
ommending such changes in authorized infantry
tactics as shall make them simple and complete, or
the adoption of any new system that may be pre
sented to it, if such change be deemed advisable,"
has the honor to report that, after a careful trial
and scrutiny of the different systems presented,

196 Emory Upton.

the Board has unanimously decided to recommend
the adoption of Brevet Major -General Upton's
system, a printed copy of which is herewith trans
mitted.

In making the examination, the Board suggested
certain alterations, not affecting the general prin
ciples, which were readily concurred in by the au
thor.

(Signed) H. B. GLITZ,

Lieutenant-Colonel Sixth Infantry and Brevet Colonel,
President of the Board.

R. B. AYRES,
Brevet Major-General United States Army.

H. M. BLACK,
Major Seventh Infantry and Brevet Colonel.

J. J. VAN HORN,
Captain Eighth Infantry and Brevet Major, Recorder.

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 4, 1867.

Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

SIR : I have the honor to transmit herewith the
report of the Board of Officers convened by Special
Orders No. 264, War Department, Adjutant-Gen
eral's Office, of date June 5, 1866, " for the purpose
of recommending such changes in the authorized
infantry tactics as shall make them simple and com
plete, or the adoption of any new system that may
be presented to it, if such change be deemed ad
visable."

Having examined this report, I concur fully with
the Board, and recommend the immediate adoption

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 197

of " Upton's Infantry Tactics, Double and Single
Rank/' as the text-book for the Military Academy
and the standard tactics for the armies of the United
States.

I have seen the system applied to company and
battalion drills, and am fully satisfied of its superior
merits and adaptability to our service ; besides, it is
no translation, but a purely American work. The
Board by which it was examined and recommended
was composed of officers of ability and experience,
and I do not think any further examination by
boards necessary.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

U. S. GRANT, General.

Notwithstanding this gratifying recommenda
tion of his system by the Board of June 5th, and its
strong support by the General of the Army, oppo
sition to it began to develop. This opposition
naturally caused the War Department to hesitate
before acting as the General of the Army had rec
ommended, and to decide upon convening a new
Board, composed of officers of such distinguished
rank and ability that its recommendation would
carry the greatest weight possible, and to which
the views of officers opposed to the change were
also to be submitted. Accordingly, the War Depart
ment issued the following order :

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, June n, 1867.
Special Orders, No. 300.

A Board will assemble at West Point, New York,
to take into consideration the system of infantry

198 Emory Upton.

tactics prepared by Brevet Major-General E. Up
ton, United States Army, and will report its opin
ion, whether the said tactics should be adopted as
the system for the armies of the United States, in
lieu of all others. The Board will be composed as
follows :

General U. S. Grant, United States Army ; Ma
jor-General G. G. Meade, United States Army ;
Brevet Major-General E. R. S. Canby, United States
Army ; Brevet Major-General W. F. Barry, Colonel
Second United States Artillery ; Brevet Brigadier-
General W. N. Grier, Colonel Third United States
Cavalry ; Brevet Colonel H. M. Black, Major Sev
enth United States Infantry.

By order of the Secretary of War :
E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

This Board, after witnessing practical illustra
tions of Upton's tactics in the principles of the
school of the company, by a company of cadets
and by a company of engineer troops, and in those
of the school of the battalion, and in skirmish-drill,
during successive days, examined General Upton
in such theoretical movements as were suggested
by the members of the Board, and which could not
be practically illustrated on the field. The Board
then carefully considered the papers presented to it
by Generals Casey, Morris, H. J. Hunt, and T. W.
Sherman, and the reply of General Upton to the
latter's objections to his system. This reply was as
follows :

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 199

WASHINGTON, D. C., Apiil 6, 1867.

MAJOR GEORGE K. LEET,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SIR : The communication of Brevet Major-Gen
eral T. W. Sherman, Colonel Third United States
Artillery, setting forth what he considers to be vital
defects in my system of infantry tactics, having1 been
referred to me by the General-in-Chief, I have the
honor to submit the following remarks :

" The root of all the objections of importance
that appears " is found in my omission or prohibi
tion of manoeuvres by the rear rank.

The chief advantage claimed for the system is
the adoption of a front of four men as a unit, the
men of which, both front and rear rank, preserve or
maintain in all movements a constant relation to
each other.

The movement of "fours right or left about,"
whether in column or in line, places the troops
facing in the opposite directions with the same free
dom to manoeuvre as before, and with the front rank
in front, which, as in all armies the best soldiers are
to be found in the front rank, is not only decidedly
advantageous, but abolishes all necessity for ma
noeuvres by the rear rank, especially when not in
the presence of the enemy.

In the presence of the enemy, whether moving
toward or from him, General Sherman maintains
that the only "practicable mode" of facing, or
marching in the opposite direction, is by the " indi
vidual about or the about face."

Two general cases can arise, viz., the troops may
or may not be under the enemy's fire. If not un-

2OO Emory Upton.

der fire, then the " fours right or left about " is, of
course, practicable, and retains all the advantages
previously mentioned. If under fire, the tactics
prescribe that the unity of the fours will be pre
served as long as possible, and, as casualties occur
in the front rank, the vacancies will be filled from
the rear rank.

This provision then, theoretically, preserves the
units until fifty per cent of the men are placed hors
de combat, and it must necessarily follow that, no
matter how severe the fire of the enemy may be, so
long as the men are cool, remain in their ranks, and
are under the command of their officers, just so long is
the " fours right or left about " equally practicable
with the " about face " ; and further, in marching to
the rear is preferable, inasmuch as all the men will
be in their usual places, and the march of the line
will be steady, whereas by the " about face " every
man will not only be out of place, but will feel out
of place ; the poorest soldiers and marchers will be
in front, and the march of the line will naturally be
unsteady.

In support of this latter statement, it is but neces
sary to refer to any one's cadet experience, when he
will remember that, in every instance when the
battalion was faced about, manoeuvred by the rear
rank, not only were there crowding and unsteadi
ness, but that the precision of the movements never
equaled that by the front rank.

General Sherman's assertion that the about face
is alone practicable under the immediate fire of the
enemy leads me naturally to infer that it is practi
cable at all times and under all circumstances. The

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 201

principal object of tactics is to prepare or to dispose
troops for battle. Now, in every battle, as every
infantry officer of experience well knows, there is a
time when all consideration for tactics is lost ; it is
when the opposing1 lines come within deadly range,
and mutually engage each other with the determi
nation to conquer. At this time everything depends
upon the discipline and courage of the officers, and
as success or defeat must ensue, whichever line is
compelled to give ground will yield it in disorder
and confusion, and not till it is rallied can tactics
again be applied.

Under such circumstances, when the enemy is
pouring in his fire at short range, not only is the
" about face insuring the preservation of unity and
solidity " impracticable, but it would be criminal for
a colonel to command and attempt to execute " cease
firing," " battalion about face," " forward march."

It is only under the circumstances here stated
that the units of four can be destroyed, and, as in
general regiments either recoil before sustaining a
loss of fifty per cent, or else are victorious, I can
see no weight to the objections raised. If the regi
ments recoil, the tactics will not be required till
they are rallied in the rear ; if they are victorious,
they should be reformed immediately and again
called off, which will give new and intact units. All
the movements by fours are simple, quick, and me
chanical. I have applied them to volunteer infant
ry and cavalry, and in the presence of the general-
in-chief to the battalion of cadets, and never yet
have seen any confusion or unsteadiness, even
while teaching the principles.

2O2 Emory Upton.

General Sherman was at West Point last sum
mer while the Tactical Board was in session. He
presented to me then these same objections, and
doubtless mentioned them to the Board. I know
that the subject was thoroughly discussed, and that
the Board decided that there was no necessity for
manoeuvres by the rear rank.

The battalion of cadets was placed at the dis
posal of the Board, and whenever differences of
opinion arose respecting an important principle the
matter was settled by actual experiment. General
Sherman states that there are other points which
invite discussion, but, as he admits that they violate
no important principle, he omits to remark them.
To this it may be replied that no system of tactics
could be elaborated, either by an individual or by
a Board, to which some objections would not be
found.

After a week's careful examination and deliber
ation, the Board, on the I5th of July, decided upon
the following report :

The Board has fully considered the subject
committed to it by the War Department's special
order (No. 300), and, in addition to the study of the
text, has witnessed the practical illustration of the
most important principles involved in the new sys
tem of tactics. The only important omissions in its
examination were the manual of arms in the school
of the soldier, the formation of squares in the school
of the battalion, and all evolutions of the line.

The first varies, of course, with the arm, and for

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 203

the same arm must, of course, be the same in all
branches of the service ; in the second (formation of
squares), the principles are the same as in existing
systems ; and the third (the evolutions of the line)
could not be practically illustrated by reason of the
small number of troops present.

The general advantages of the new system are :

1. Its easy application to all the arms of the
service, leaving nothing additional to any special
branch, except the manual of the arm with which
it fights, the adaptation of the words of command,
the training of animals, and the management and
care of the material with which it is equipped.

2. The readiness with which the principles
may be acquired by new troops, abbreviating ma
terially the time required to fit them for the field,
and practically extending the effective term of serv
ice of the soldier. This is of great importance in
its relation to the volunteer force, of which, in all
great wars, our armies must be largely composed.

The special advantages are :

That it dispenses with the manoeuvres by the
rear rank, by inversion, and the countermarch, and
substitutes therefor rapid and simple conversion of
front, and changes from column into line.

That it increases the number of modes of pass
ing from the order in column to the order in line,
facing in any direction ; diminishes the time re
quired for these changes, and preserves always the
front rank in front ; advantages of vital importance
in the presence and under the fire of the enemy.

That it provides for all column movements re
quired in an open country, and, by the column in

2O4 Emory Upton.

fours, for the movements necessary in narrow roads,
wooded or obstructed countries, without the exten
sion incident to ordinary movements by the flank.

That it provides for a single-rank formation
specially adapted to the use of breech-loaders.

That it provides for a system of skirmishing
from double or single rank superior for offense or
defense to any existing system.

The Board therefore recommends that the sys
tem of infantry tactics prepared by Brevet Major-
General E. Upton, United States Army, be adopted
as the system for the armies of the United States in
the place of all others, and that, so soon as a sufficient
time shall have elapsed for the correction of any
errors of arrangement or detail, Boards for the
special arms may be appointed for the purpose of
adapting the tactics of their arms to the system now
recommended.

U. S. GRANT, General.

GEORGE G. MEADE,

Major-General, United States Army.

EDWARD R. S. CANBY,

Brigadier and Brevet Major- General, United States Army

WILLIAM F. BARRY,

Colonel Second Artillery, Brevet Major-General,

United States Army.

WILLIAM N. GRIER,

Colonel Third United States Cavalry, Brevet Brigadier-General.

H. M. BLACK,

Major Seventh Infantry, Brevet Colonel, United States Army.

Approved, and referred to the Adjutant- General
August i, 1867.

E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 205

On the ist of August, 1867, General Orders No.
73, from the Adjutant-General's office of the army,
ultimately adopted the new system of infantry tac
tics for the United States Army, and for the observ
ance of the militia of the United States, and on the
23d of August it was adopted and prescribed for
the infantry forces of the State of New York.

During the period when the tactics were being
examined and tested, and for a long time subse
quently, Upton's system was the subject of a great
deal of criticism, both favorable and unfavorable.
Upton himself took no part in the public discussion,
which was mainly carried on in the columns of the
" Army and Navy Journal." He was, nevertheless,
exceedingly interested in all that was said, and, nat
urally being open to conviction, he readily took the
proper steps to correct whatever appeared to be
defects in the minute details, but held unshaken
ground upon the spirit of his system. He was over
whelmed with correspondence after the tactics were
adopted, and received thousands of letters asking
information upon hundreds of little unimportant
points. All these letters were conscientiously an
swered, and his answers were always marked with
his native courtesy. Often, when almost overcome
by this sort of annoyance, he felt that, could he have
foreseen the great labor and trouble which resulted,
he would have hesitated long before undertaking
such a task.

It will be seen, by a reference to the report of the
Board of which General Grant was president, that
this Board mentioned as among the advantages of
Upton's system " its easy application to all arms of

206 Emory Upton.

the service." The natural sequence of this com
mendation was an attempt made to assimilate the
tactics of the three arms of the service, and to this
end a Board was assembled at Fort Leavenworth,
Kansas, about the I5th of September, 1869, " to prac
tically test the systems heretofore adopted for the
artillery, cavalry, and infantry arms of service ; to
reconcile all differences ; to select the best forms of
command, and of drum and bugle signals, and to
submit for the approval of the War Department at
as early a date as practicable the approved copies,
in order that they may be printed in a uniform and
convenient edition, and published for the govern
ment of the army and militia of the United States.
The Board will be composed as follows : Major-
General J. M. Schofield, United States Army ; Bre
vet Brigadier -General J. H. Potter, Lieutenant-
Colonel Fourth Infantry; Brevet Major -General
Wesley Merritt, Lieutenant-Colonel Ninth Cavalry ;
Major James Van Voast, Eighteenth Infantry ; Bre
vet Colonel John Hamilton, Major First Artillery."

General Upton undertook the revision of his tac
tics, and in his endeavor to overcome the difficulties
imposed upon him by the requirements of this as
similation, although very much hampered, he never
theless succeeded in removing all of the more serious
obstacles.

The labors of this Board did not completely solve
the problem, nor finally remove all the difficulties.
Its proceedings were ultimately submitted to another
board, composed of General Upton, Colonels Du-
Pont and Tourtellotte, and Captain Bates, which was
convened at West Point early in 1873.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 207

Colonel DuPont had been a member of a board
of officers convened to reconstruct the artillery tac
tics, and there is no doubt that General Upton had
the highest opinion of his ability, which, joined with
his eminent services during the war as an artil
lery officer, greatly influenced his selection. He
was one of those careful and exact men whose de
cision is based only on a searching and comprehen
sive examination. He was well versed in the mean
ing of words, and, before consenting to their em
ployment, he weighed well the definition of terms.
While his untiring criticisms somewhat prolonged
the work, the value of his services, in insuring
greater accuracy, in diminishing the number of as
sailable points of adverse criticism, and in his prac
tical and theoretical knowledge, is beyond all ques
tion. The artillery tactics, as they stand to-day, are
indebted to him for many marked improvements.
Colonel Tourtellotte, aide to General Sherman, was
a lawyer by profession, and had been a gallant offi
cer of volunteers during the war, rising to the
rank of brigadier-general by brevet. He possessed
most excellent judgment, and a temperament that
fitted him to decide dispassionately upon disputed
points. Captain Bates, instructor of cavalry tactics
at the Military Academy, was thoroughly acquaint
ed with the tactics of this arm, and could test pro
posed innovations before consenting to their adop
tion. General Upton was full of the spirit of his
subject. He had had experience in the tactics of
the three arms during active service, and was now
engaged in giving to the cadets theoretical instruc
tion in all. Impetuous by nature, he was obliged,

208 Emory Upton.

by the character and ability of his associates, to
prove every point, and to establish by sound reason
the rationale of each new proposition. Previous to
and during the existence of this Board, he corre
sponded freely with his friend and associate Colonel
DuPont, and his letters exhibit the animus that con
trolled him. A few extracts, to exhibit the progress
of his work, the changes in his views, and his satis
faction in his completed labor, are here introduced :

West Point, June 30, 1870. — I fear that the assimi
lation of tactics will be detrimental.

March 77, 7^77. — While there is no objection to
assimilation, it should only take place when it will
not prejudice either arm ; but to inflict a single
movement in infantry or artillery simply because it
is necessary in cavalry is absurd.

April 77, i8ji. — No better Board to revise the
artillery tactics could be appointed than the one
you mention, leaving me out. Could Seymour,
Morgan, and yourself be detailed, the Board to con
vene here, where we have light, mortar, siege, and
sea-coast batteries, you could get up a tactics which
would bear the test of years. I am really too busy
to have the additional labor of a Board imposed
upon me, but I could assist your Board very mate
rially in assimilating the artillery to the infantry,
where it can be done without prejudice to the ar
tillery. Besides, I would read your work over as
you progress, and, if I discovered any inconsisten
cies, I would point them out. * Teaching the tactics
of the three arms enables me to discover many ab
surdities which could be done away with.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 209

January i, i8j2. — The Academy is now on a
splendid footing. Ruger is a model soldier, and
possesses every qualification to make a good super
intendent, and he is thoroughly liked. The young
blood has a clear majority on the Academic Board,
and, while there are no cliques or cabals, the action
is generally satisfactory. I can tell you with all
confidence that, in future, cadets must have some
sense to graduate.

December 29, 1872. — The infantry tactics are to
stand according to my revision, and the artillery
and cavalry tactics are to be assimilated as far as
possible. We can devote from six to nine hours
daily, and finish the work, I hope, inside of three
weeks. Your work will terminate with the artillery
tactics, which we will take up about January i5th.

March i, 1873. — The work done with Bates in
cavalry tactics comprises school of platoon mounted,
troop dismounted and mounted, half of troop skir
mish-drill mounted. By the I5th will finish battal
ion, and a week later brigade and division, which
will embrace all to the appendix. The cavalry
tactics will be a success, their mobility being quite
equal to the infantry.

March 13, 1873. — Cavalry tactics progressing
finely, and Tourtellotte begins to see that assimila
tion is not hopeless, after all.

March 14., 1873. — Tourtellotte delighted with
the assimilation, and will be more pleased still when
he sees the troop and skirmishers. All the move
ments by fours we have proved by experiment in
the riding-hall, and, what is more gratifying, we
have fully satisfied ourselves that in wheeling about

2io Emory Upton.

by fours in line there is ample space for chiefs of
platoon and file-closers to pass between the fours
pending the movement. This is a great triumph,
and completes, in every respect, the assimilation to
infantry.

The correspondence up to the next quoted ex
tract referred mainly to DuPont's labors in artillery
tactics, expressing gratification at his progress, and
showing that all the credit for these tactics belonged
to DuPont himself. The labors of the Board prac
tically ceased in July, only minor matters requiring
attention, and these received at Upton's hands the
most careful study.

August 12, 1873, — With regard to Tourtellotte's
fear that General Sherman will become impatient
" at the delay in completing the minor points," I am
resolved not to be stampeded. It is our reputation
that is at stake, and the only safe course is to make
haste slowly by being satisfied at each step that we
are right. The fact is, that our work all around has
had so many tests that we can not make any gross
mistakes.

September I, 1873. — Battalion drills begin to-day,
and afford another opportunity to verify our work.

October ji, 1874. — Tactics are printed, and copies
sent to you. [Colonel DuPont was at that time in
Europe.] We have at least given our successors a
basis upon which to work.

November 23, 1874.. — The statuettes sent me by
you are beautiful ; a most becoming ornament to a
soldier's quarters, and as an evidence of your esteem

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 2 1 1

they will be appreciated all my life. They will re
mind me of much hard work, and of a devotion to
duty on your part, which I wish the Government
might suitably recognize. I fear, however, we shall
have to find our recompense in the satisfaction
which results from contemplating one's labors.
That may not be inconsiderable, for I firmly be
lieve that the three books will stand many years as
an evidence of our labor, and, in your case, of the
midnight oil often consumed in their production.
The artillery tactics have been sent to Washing
ton, but have not been out sufficiently long to elicit
criticism. I sent General Barry a copy. He spoke
favorably of them, but regretted that we did not
give the Board of which he, Hunt, and French were
members any credit. They, however, in my judg
ment, are no more entitled to it than Anderson
and the French writers whose works he translated.
Certainly there is not a single paragraph in your
artillery-work identical with one in any previous
book.

February 25, 1875. — I received, a few days since,
a copy of General Sherman's letter to General
Hunt in reply to the latter's criticism on artillery
tactics, and, as it may interest you, I send you a
copy.

Hunt, I am told, began with the color of the
cover of the book, and then went through it in a
savage spirit, leaving us nothing to stand upon.
General Sherman's reply has answered him com
pletely. There has been little or no criticism in the
"Journal," beyond what I have sent you. General
Barry has written me several letters, taking it ap-

212 Emory Upton.

parently very hard that we in our preface did not
give the French, Barry, and Hunt Board all the
credit of producing the new work. 1 told him that
we concluded that we could not give one party
credit without mentioning a vast number equally
entitled to it. He finally admitted that they could
only claim originality in the school of the battery
dismounted ; that the detachment as a unit was orig
inal, and that in consequence of the simplicity of
this device the volunteer artillery was made efficient
in one tenth of the time required by former tactics.
He also repeated Hunt's insinuations that I derived
my principle of " fours " from the artillery, and, as
might be inferred, all the benefits resulting from the
recent improvements in tactics could be referred
back to the invention of the detachment. I told him
that before their Board assembled the batteries must
have had a system of manoeuvres on foot, and, to en
lighten me, he replied that some used infantry drill,
while all the horse-batteries used the dismounted
drill of the cavalry — in other words, they wheeled
and manoeuvred by " fours."

As the detachment had but a front of four men,
I replied that their unit differed from the "four"
only in name, and that the source of their inspi
ration must have been the cavalry. He also felt
aggrieved because we appropriated the Gatling
drill. To this I replied that, as you were a mem
ber of the Board which got it up, you felt at per
fect liberty to use it, and, further, that either of us
could have prepared it in three or four days. I
believe he is satisfied that we were right in doing
as we did.

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 213

The labors of the Board being completed, and
the manuscript of the three tactics having been ap
proved and sent to the printer, the subject of tactics
was settled for the army for the time being by the
publication of General Order No. 6, Headquarters
of the Army :

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., Jttly 17, 1873.

The revision of Upton's infantry tactics by the
author, and the tactics for artillery and cavalry (in
cluding the proceedings of the Board — Major-Gen-
eral Schoheld, President — instituted by General
Orders No. 60, Headquarters of the Army, Adju
tant-General's Office, Series of 1869) assimilated to
the tactics for infantry, pursuant to instructions
from the General of the Army, by Lieutenant-Colo
nel Emory Upton, First Artillery, Instructor of
Tactics, United States Military Academy ; Captain
Henry A. DuPont, Fifth Artillery, commanding Bat
tery F, Fifth Artillery ; Captain John E. Tourtel-
lotte, Seventh Cavalry, Colonel and Aide-de-Camp
to the General ; Captain Alfred E. Bates, Second
Cavalry, Assistant Instructor of Cavalry Tactics,
United States Military Academy ; having been ap
proved by the President, are adopted for the in
struction of the army and militia of the United
States.

To insure uniformity, all exercises, evolutions
and ceremonies not embraced in these tactics are
prohibited, and those therein prescribed will be
strictly enforced.

WILLIAM W. BELKNAP,

Secretary of War.

214 Emory Upton.

It would be foreign to the purpose of this
memoir to consider the objections which have been
made against the assimilation of the tactics. Pro
fessional men may reasonably differ in regard to
the details of their profession, and these differences
may sometimes become the more pronounced in
proportion as the particular point at issue is the
more insignificant In course of time, as the arms
change and become more efficient, modifications of
tactics will necessarily arise. Leaving aside, there
fore, all questions relating to origin, authorship, and
importance of the changes that have taken place in
the tactics of the three arms of the service since the
war, we may briefly sum up the influence that Gen
eral Upton unquestionably exerted in this respect.

Early in his career as a regimental commander,
and while in active service, he became convinced
that certain improvements could be devised for the
more rapid formation of troops from line into
column and from column into line. He believed
in the value of the unit of four men as comrades in
battle, and made it the basis of his new system. He
discarded what was known as " inversions " by
having no fixed right or left, these directions being
the actual right or left of the given formation. He
simplified his commands and greatly abbreviated
the subject-matter of his text. Thoroughly con
vinced by theoretical considerations and actual ob
servation, he exhibited his system to some of his
brother officers by actual manoeuvres of a regiment
of volunteers in the field. He sought service in the
cavalry and pursued his observations during a most
active campaign, considering every movement in

Service in Colorado. — Tactics. 215

all its aspects, and discussing its bearing with whom
soever would listen to him during the night in
camp. Deeply impressed with the importance of his
labor and its value to our troops, he digested the
whole, and promulgated it into a system of infantry
tactics. It received the unequivocal indorsement
of two boards, composed of the best and most capa
ble officers, and was finally adopted by the Presi
dent as the American system of tactics.

The following extracts from a letter sent him by
an officer whose professional knowledge and ability
are unquestioned are worth preserving in this con
nection :

ST. Louis, July 20, 1870.

... I can state my individual opinion, as con
cerns the question of the credit due you on the
" Tactics." I do not consider the " formations," or
(better, may be) the " orders," in which men may
be placed, as the peculiar property of any individ
ual. The order in column, in line, and in their subor
dinate formations, are the common property of the
world. If a man starts an elementary system, it is
his obligation to show how to bring about these
orders or formations. This is the cart-horse part of
the business of authorship. Now, I know nothing
of the laws in the question of copyright.

But I say that, so far as I am actually informed,
you are entitled to the full credit of the following
proposition : " Upton was the first to assert and ap
ply that fours in double rank was the smallest unit
that could be wheeled into column, and thus get rid
of the lock-step in the flank marches that a line of
men might have to take up."

216 Emory Upton.

This may appear a small declaration, but you
will remember that it is more than can be said of
Scott, of Hardee, of Casey, or of any other tactician
before you. Hardee could form fours (in facing).
This he got from the French. Cooke could wheel
fours (single-rank cavalry), and may be suggested
that double-rank infantry could do the same thing,
but how to obtain the " distance " I have yet to see
that he found out. Hunt always had fours practi
cally in his artillery detachments of cannoneers, but
it was a simple necessity of their having a com
mandant. He took no advantage of it to obliterate
the lock-step.

You have combined all the advantages, and you
must be remunerated.

Upton was not called upon to consider the sub
ject of tactics again until the matter forced itself
upon the attention of military men, by more recent
improvements in the weapons devised for infantry,
and, as this matter has an important bearing upon
his professional reputation and his estimate as a tac
tician, we will return to the subject in another chap
ter.

CHAPTER VII.

MARRIAGE.

ON the eastern shore of Lake O \vasco, in Cen
tral New York, nestled among willows, is a quaint
old homestead, which dates from the early years of
the century. Growing by degrees from a simple
farm-house in the midst of a virgin forest, Willow-
brook has been for many years a mansion celebrated
for its open hospitality. Under its roof many fair
women and learned men have gathered in times
past.

Although the family at Willowbrook had had,
so far, apparently not the slightest interest in the
life of Emory Upton, yet the time was near at hand
when this home was to become the center of his
dearest hopes and affections, for it was here that he
first met Emily Norwood Martin, the fifth child of
Enos T. Throop Martin, Esq., and his wife, Cornelia
Williams.

She was a fair-haired, blue-eyed maiden, gentle
in her ways, modest in her demeanor, and full of
kindly affection. Her childhood was wholly spent
under the watchful eye and tender care of a devoted
mother, whose lovely Christian character and wom
anly sweetness not only cemented the family in the
strongest bonds of love, but extended their influence
beyond the home circle.

10

2i8 Emory Upton.

Emily's childhood was a period of peace and
gentleness. She was surrounded by all the good
things that modest wealth could command, and the
pervading atmosphere of a happy religious home
exercised its spiritual influence upon her thoughts
and conduct. Every beautiful thing which attracted
her childish notice gave rise to spontaneous thanks
to God as its maker. He was always present to
her, and ever showering on her his love and tender
ness. As early as her ninth year she wished to
make her1 profession of faith, but it was not until
the summer of 1858, when nearly twelve years old,
that she became a communicant of the church.
Her mother, in preparing her for this important
step, lost no opportunity of impressing the Word
of God upon her child's conscience, and in dwelling
upon the great importance of a living faith in the
Hearer of heart-felt prayers. Scattered through
her diary, in which she was accustomed to record
events, are such humble and heart-felt prayers as
that God would teach her " to be gentle," " to be
kind," "to be obliging," " to become more gentle,"
"to do more good to others," and others of simi
lar import. Her daily life was filled with acts of
kindness, courtesy, and self-denial quite uncommon
with the young. All her devotions and good deeds
were done with a willing spirit and a glad heart.
It is another evidence of her true devotional spirit
that she never assumed righteousness to herself, but
attributed her power to do right to the Lord alone,
and constantly asked of him greater strength to
merit his favor and affection.

Her elder sister, Evelina, married General A. J.

Marriage. 219

Alexander, November 3, 1864. This officer, it will
be remembered, commanded the First Brigade of the
Fourth Cavalry Division in the Selma campaign, and
it was during this campaign that a strong mutual
attachment sprang up between Upton and Alexan
der. This grew into a close friendship, which had
an important bearing on Upton's after-life ; for, by
reason of this friendship, the doors of the hospitable
mansion of Willowbrook were to be thrown wide
open to him, and here he was to see his future wife
growing in grace and goodly character.

General Alexander was stationed, after the close
of active operations, at Knoxville, Tennessee. Here
his duties permitted him to bring down his young
wife to share his army-life, and to give her an op
portunity of witnessing the varied and exciting
scenes incident to the end of the war. General Up
ton's command was stationed in the vicinity, and he
frequently employed his leisure moments in social
visits to his friend and comrade, to talk over points
of tactics, \vhich fully occupied his mind at that
time, or to recall again the incidents connected with
their glorious campaign in Alabama.

In the close and informal association which be
longs to camp-life in the army, knowledge of char
acter becomes intimate and thorough. Upton,
tested in this way by the intuitive perceptions of
a good woman, was esteemed for his manly quali
ties, and soon gained a devoted friend in Mrs. Alex
ander. He accepted an invitation from his friends
to visit Willowbrook at the first favorable oppor
tunity, and remembered his promise after he had
gone to his new post in Colorado.

220 Emory Upton.

Coming East after having been mustered out of
the volunteer service, and while awaiting orders to
join his battery in the regular army, he availed him
self of a visit home, to spend a short time at Wil-
lowbrook, hoping to meet his comrade and renew
the pleasant associations of former days.

It was near the close of a summer's day that he
for the first time approached this lovely home. He
was charmed with its quaint but home-like look, its
beautiful surroundings, and its air of quiet peaceful-
ness. But he was compelled, by the absence of his
brother officer, to introduce himself to the large
family circle gathered there, and he felt an almost
overwhelming sense of embarrassment. But, though
diffident by nature and somewhat confused by his
innate modesty, he summoned to his aid his self-
possession, and made the best of his situation. The
members of the family at once, by their genial hos
pitality, soon put him at ease, and he readily ac
commodated himself to his surroundings. On this
occasion there were also several guests from distant
cities, who had come together in this rural retreat
for summer recreation, and the bevy of young ladies
might well have bewildered the modest stranger so
suddenly introduced into their circle. But, nothing
daunted by numbers, he selected from the charming
group one diffident and unassuming like himself,
and in her he soon found a congenial and agree
able associate. And thus their first acquaintance
began. She, innately conscious of his diffidence,
exerted her womanly powers to interest him ; and
he, responding, gratefully appreciated her sincere
and hearty welcome. Subjects of mutual interest

Marriage. 221

brought them into closer sympathy as they strolled
together along the beautiful shore of Owasco Lake.
Little did they then suspect what the future had in
store for them ; nor could they then perceive the
influences which were destined to blend their lives
into one more complete in sympathy and affection.

So far Upton had had but few opportunities to
cultivate the friendship of women. His active mili
tary career had filled the interval between his nar
row life as a military student and the broader intel
lectual and social life he was then experiencing.
His affections had been centered upon the members
of his own family. Filial and fraternal love satisfied
the demands of his heart, and he had not yet awak
ened to the greater possibilities of human affection.
While the religious sentiments of his boyhood had
not yet been subjected to severe trial, they had at
least pitched for him the standard tone of honor, in
tegrity, and proper behavior in the discharge of his
duties. Estimating women by the standard of his
much-loved sisters, he eagerly sought their society,
and always yielded to them the reverence and re
spect with which good men regard them.

But now, all unconsciously, there was growing
in him that love of woman born of gratitude for her
sympathy, of respect for her intellect, and of admi
ration for her personal beauty. She, too, was at
tracted and drawn to him by his soldierly manliness,
and intuitively appreciated his worth, veiled though
it might be by his modest and simple bearing. She
soon learned of his gallantry in battle, of his devo
tion to duty, and of his unswerving faithfulness ;
so that during this visit of Upton their brief asso-

222 Emory Upton.

elation resulted in a mutual interest in each other,
and a desire for more intimate acquaintance. They
parted with kindly feeling, wholly unconscious that
their future lives were to be no longer separate.

In the following January they unexpectedly met
in New York, while she was journeying to Wash
ington to spend the winter and spring. Here Up
ton sought her frequently, and could not conceal
from himself the growth of his regard and his in
creasing pleasure in her society. He was charmed
and fascinated with the sweet and holy influences
that seemed to surround her, and his intellect was
gratified by the evidences of her culture.

But in the intimate association which followed
this renewed friendship there came more complete
knowledge of each other's character, and an awaken
ing to realities of the utmost importance to both.
In a worldly point of view, Upton's life had been
one of marked success. Honors and advancement
in his profession had been bestowed upon him in
recognition of his brilliant services. Commendation
from high quarters had flattered his self-esteem.
Personal ambition had well-nigh usurped the con
trol of his manhood, and had almost suffocated the
true humility of the earnest Christian. The doubts
and questionings, which so insidiously attack and
quite often overthrow the citadel of faith, had laid
siege to Upton's religious belief. Not fully con-
scious himself of the danger to which his faith was
exposed, he was honest in the expression of his
doubts. He had witnessed suffering and distress,
he had personal knowledge of the triumph of wrong
doers and of the humiliation of the good, and un-

Marriage. 223

consciously he had given a resting-place in his mind
to doubts of God's providence and God's justice.
Though these doubts and questionings had not yet
taken root, he had permitted them to enter, and had
in a measure defended their insidious arguments.

In their intimate personal friendship the maiden
soon learned that her hero seriously questioned the
truth of those tenets of her faith which she valued
more than life, and without which she could have
no hope of eternal salvation. She soon recognized
his danger, and she earnestly prayed often that God
would occupy anew his rightful domain in the heart
of him who so deeply interested her. Under God's
providence this weak child, strong in the faith, was
destined to lead him to his trial, and bring him out of
it, humbled and weakened, but purified. She could
never consent to yield up her life to one in whom
the peace of God had not found an abiding-place.
Later she wrote to him as follows :

WILLOWBROOK, October 13, 1867.

. . . To-day is communion Sabbath, and I have
been to the Lord's Supper, and there once more
have partaken of his dying love. I always try to
spend some time in preparing for this solemn ordi
nance, and at this season in particular I have been
frequently led to think of what you told me last
spring about your spiritual state, and I have deeply
mourned over it. Having once known the blessed
ness of being a child of God and coming to his
table, I truly believe that you can not be willing to
give him up, and once more cast your lot with the
world, the enemies of Christ our Saviour.

224 Emory Upton.

Indeed, from a remark you made last winter on
returning from witnessing^ the communion service,
as well as the many conversations I have had with
you, I can not but think you have really the right
ideas and feelings on the subject of religion. But
you have suffered yourself to be led away, your un
derstanding to be darkened, and your faith and con
fidence in God's justice to be shaken. A great re
sponsibility rests on you ; you are believed to be a
professor of religion. I have heard this from sev
eral sources ; also of the decided stand you took on
the Lord's side while at West Point, and of the in
fluence of your example there.

Never was I more shocked and astonished than
when I heard from your own lips the admission
that your faith in God's justice had been shaken, and
that you no longer felt that you were a Christian.
One of the strongest bonds in my friendship for you
was the feeling that you could sympathize with me
on the subject nearest my heart, and that I could
therefore trust you as I would not men of the world.
I can not believe that God will leave his wander
ing child to perish, and, though it may be through
much tribulation, he will bring you back to the
fold. Already he has sent you a sorrow which, I
pray God, may be sanctified to the good of your
soul. I have given you one of my greatest treas
ures, my own Bible, which has never left me before ;
may it be a comfort to you, and the truths contained
therein be the means of bringing you once more into
the kingdom ! God is ready to receive all who repent
and come to him. Though your sins be as scarlet,
they will be blotted out in the blood of the Lamb.

Marriage. 225

For many months I have seldom closed my eyes
without praying for you, my friend, and I feel that
I can not bear to see you shutting yourself out from
God's favor without making this last effort to assure
you that some one cares and prays for your soul.
This must be my excuse for this letter, for I feel too
sinful to advise or caution others. I have faith to
believe that the prayers offered this day, while at
the table of the Lord, will be heard and answered.

This letter was received by Upton when he was
on duty at Paducah, Kentucky, and it had an im
portant influence upon him. He saw clearly the
beautiful, child-like faith which animated this pure
maiden, and he could not deny in his inmost soul
the truths which she brought so vividly to his mind.
Then ensued the conflict of conflicts. The powers
of self-love, personal ambition, worldly favors and
honors, were arrayed against the silent influences of
God's merciful providence. As in all critical com
bats, the struggle was long continued, uncertain at
times, fierce and terrible, but when it was ended,
although weak and sorely wounded, Upton came
from it purified. Thenceforward these powers of
evil could have no further dominion over him ; this
particular temptation had assailed him : he had
fought it and gained the victory, and never again
could his faith in God's providence be assailed. This
faith not only regained its former abiding-place in
his heart, but had also gained possession of the cita
del of his reason. It became then the standard by
which he regulated his thoughts as well as his out
ward actions.

226 Emory Upton.

Upton's interest in his fair correspondent was
not content to rest at friendship. Admiration,
affection, love, shade each into the other, grow one
from the other, and have no line of demarkation.
What can be more beautiful in this life than the
awakening of such an interest in both hearts, its
growth nourished by the sweetest influences of com
panionship, and its ultimate development in the
holy love of marriage? Who can picture the
changes in their wondrous variety as this affection
grows in power and strength until as love it encom
passes the soul, and seeks sole possession as the
greatest of God's gifts and blessings ? Who, that
watches the influences of a happy marriage, the
gradual growth into unity from diversity, and even
the assimilation of features as life continues, can
doubt that this heavenly gift of marriage is most
holy ? Now this young maiden was well worthy,
mentally and personally, of all General Upton's de
votion. Tall and slender, with a graceful figure,
and well-shaped head, crowned with a wealth of
golden hair, the greatest charm of her face was not
so much in its oval outline and regular features, as
in the exquisite beauty of her eyes.

Her well-balanced mind was so cultivated and
trained as to fit her for the most important duties
of life. To a substantial and practical education,
such culture was added as gave beauty and orna
ment to the expression of her thoughts. Her love
of poetry and familiarity with the best literature
gave a charm to her conversation and correspond
ence.

She was deeply religious, and possessed the

Marriage. 227

power of infusing into the minds of those with
whom she associated a reverence for those things
which she herself held sacred ; but though habit
ually thoughtful and highly devotional in her daily
life, she delighted in all that was joyous, loved
society, and was a most appreciative listener to
those whose conversation was interesting and in
structive — her modesty leading her rather to hear
what others said than to take part in general con
versation. Her retiring nature, united to an ex
tremely amiable disposition and a sound judgment,
drew all hearts to her.

Such was the woman and such the man to whom
had come the oft-repeated experience. There could
be but one sequel. He earnestly begged of her the
greatest boon that woman may give unto man, the
acknowledgment of her love :

" She listened with a fitting blush,

With downcast eyes and modest grace ;
For well she knew he could not choose
But gaze upon her face."

With the approbation of her parents, she be
came engaged to him on the i6th of November,
1867.

Upton, arranging matters in accordance with
his changed conditions of life, applied for, and ob
tained, a year's leave of absence, from November
29, 1867, with permission to go beyond the sea, in
tending to devote the greater portion in Europe to
the study of the military art, especially that relating
to tactics. He was thus enabled to spend the

228 Emory Upton.

Christmas holidays at Willowbrook, where a large
family party had gathered to enjoy the festivities.
He soon became an intimate in the family circle,
and endeared himself by his worth to all, and his
courtship suffered at first no disturbance in its
happy course. But the bright anticipations which
fora time promised happiness to the maiden, almost
suddenly gave place to anxious forebodings on the
part of those near and dear to her. She had always
had reasonably good health, and, although not
physically robust, she had never been the cause of
anxiety. The indisposition that now for the first
time gave rise to serious questionings was thought
to be but temporary. Yet even before her mar
riage, when in happy ignorance of the near approach
of illness and suffering, there seemed at times to
have been a shadowing forth of possible disappoint
ment and unhappiness. In a letter written to him
before her marriage the following passage occurs,
to which, after her early death, Upton frequently
referred :

. . . Just at twilight I went into the library,
and, sitting down before the lovely wood-fire, I gave
myself up to my favorite diversion of building cas
tles in the coals. I love to spend the twilight in
this way, thinking of pleasant things in the past, of
dear friends, and dreaming such bright, beautiful
dreams of the future, full of high and noble resolves
of doing for others, gaining (through efforts to
make others happy) happiness to myself, pondering
how I can make my life worth the living. Then as
the ashes fall and cover for a time the bright coals

Marriage. 229

into which I have been gazing, and obscure the
light by which I have seemed to view my future,
the thought comes to me that thus may some of
the brightest of my anticipations be clouded and
quenched by adversity and sorrow.

They were married on the iQth of February,
1868, in the little parish church near the homestead,
where she had so often worshiped. The wedding
festivities were graced with the presence of many
gallant officers, who came to congratulate their
comrade, and to hope that he might enjoy all the
blessings of peace and happiness in his new step in
life.

After a short visit to Upton's home, the happy ,
pair made their preparations to sail for Europe
in the hope that the healing influences of the balmy
climate of Southern France and Italy might com
pletely restore her health, which could not well
withstand the severe winters of our Northern States.
They sailed from New York on the 7th of March in
the French steamer Napoleon III for Brest, which
port was reached on the igth of March. During
the passage his wife needed constant care, and even
Upton's gentle ministrations could only alleviate
the discomforts of the voyage. She suffered from
neuralgia, and reached France greatly exhausted.
After a short stay in Paris, he moved her by easy
stages to the south of France, making short delays
at Lyons and Marseilles. From the latter place he
proceeded to Sorrento, arriving there on the 24th
of April, giving her every attention on the journey
that the most devoted love could inspire.

230 Emory Upton.

The parting of Mrs. Upton from her mother in
New York was most affecting, and the latter, full of
tender solicitude placed in her child's hands, before
saying a last farewell, the following letter, which,
filled with the outpourings of a mother's love,
touched most deeply the hearts of both husband
and wife:

NEW YORK, March 7, 1868.

MY DEAREST EMILY: In taking leave of you I
feel that you can no longer look to me for guidance,
and that hereafter you must be impelled to duty by
the dictates of your own heart and conscience. I
would therefore earnestly pray for the abiding in
fluences of the Holy Spirit to lead you into all truth.
You go forth from your home without one of your
own kindred to sympathize with you and help you
to watch over yourself. You lean upon a mortal
arm even when you trust all to your tender and de
voted husband ; and it is only in commending you
to " Him who sees the end from the beginning "
that I can find rest in this time of anxiety. You are
in the hands of the Great Physician. His healing
touch can restore you to perfect health, and I recom
mend you to exercise the strongest faith in him.
Come with the confidence of a little child to Jesus ;
tell him all your weakness ; how much you need
to' be strengthened; what a journey lies before
you, and plead with him for his abiding presence.
Your strength will lie in a sense of your weakness.
Cultivate self-reliance ; I can do all things through
Christ strengthening me.

I believe in overcoming disease by strong reso
lution ; by this I do not mean that you should make

Marriage. 231

spasmodic efforts to do what is beyond your
strength. Such exertions will be followed by nerv
ous prostration ; but never be discouraged, how
ever weak you may feel. Your help is in God.
He can strengthen you from time to time as you
need. Keep your feet firmly planted on the Rock
of Ages. He is now teaching you an important
lesson by making you sensible of your weakness ;
submit patiently to his dealings with you, but never
lose your hold on that arm that moves the world.

And now, dear Emily, let me say that I have
been much gratified by the evidences I have had
since I left home that your husband is held in
high repute among men. I accept the honor paid
to him as a testimony to his diligent and faithful
performance of duty, and thus far it is to be valued ;
but, my dear child, watch against the temptations
to be elated by the praise of poor, dying mortals.
Carry through all your journey the beautiful text
which you repeated to me when we made our first
journey together, " Man looketh on the outward ap
pearance, but the Lord looketh upon the heart."
And when you receive the kind and flattering at
tentions which may be lavished upon you and your
husband, and which perhaps you do not deserve
more than others whose names are not recorded on
the " roll of honor," ask, " What shall I render unto
the Lord for all his benefits?" You are not your
own ; you are bought with a price and bound to
serve God, and I would have you offer the bread
of life to all who show you kindness. Go forth as
a servant of God, be faithful to him, and he has
said, " They that honor me I will honor."

232 Emory Upton*

Will you sometimes, dear Emily, at the twilight
hour, read over what I have written in the stillness
of my chamber this morning? Oh, what tender
recollections throng my memory as I review the
precious years when you have been my Emily ! God
has given you grace to be through your whole life
a dutiful, obedient child, and I shall ever cherish a
sweet memory of your childhood and youth ; but no
hour is so precious to me, in the review of our
loving intercourse, as the sunset of the Sabbath, and
the time when we gathered as a family for com
munion with our dear heavenly Father on Friday
afternoon. May your heart ever be drawn to our
Bethel on the weekly return of the hour when, in
the past, God has so often met us and blessed us !
May you return to us, my dear Emily, with a ma
tured Christian character, with no taint of worldli-
ness, and may we be permitted to rejoice together
over your experience of the love of God to you !

I shall ever be your devoted mother.

This tender epistle, which so fully portrayed the
Christian mother's heart-felt wishes, and the fullness
of her maternal love, helped the daughter to bear
her acute bodily suffering with greater fortitude.
She felt more keenly her helplessness because of her
husband's devotion, and she prayed earnestly to
be restored to health for his sake, taking every pre
caution that art and science could devise to reach
this much-wished-for result. But all efforts were
in vain, and no permanent cure was established.
The alternations of hope were followed by many
misgivings, and in August they returned to Wilow-

Marriage, 233

brook to remain until October, and thence to Key
West for the winter.

Upon the expiration of Upton's leave of absence
his duty called him to his post at Memphis, and he
left his wife at Key West under the care of her de
voted sister Nelly.

Nearly five months elapsed before he saw his
wife again. Her frequent letters gave him constant
hope, for she made much of any slight improve
ment, and dwelt but little upon less favorable symp
toms. His professional duties and military studies,
together with his ignorance of the serious nature
of her illness, and the hope her letters inspired,
united in helping him bear this separation manfully.
He awaited with great anxiety information as to
the destination of his regiment, which was soon to
be moved from Memphis, in the hope that its new
station would permit him to send her the joyous
recall she was so longingly awaiting. He thus con
veys the good news to his sister :

MEMPHIS, March 28, 1869.

I am very happy this evening, because next Sun
day I shall meet my wife in New Orleans. She
leaves Nassau to-morrow, and by a happy chance
she will find at Havana a steamer which left Balti
more the same day that the steamer via Nassau left
New York, and upon which she will take passage
for New Orleans.

Instead of our regiment going to Arizona, as I
learned at first, its destination is Atlanta. The
climate is good, and it is not unlikely that my dear
wife will derive great benefit from this location.

234 Emory Upton.

I hope that a sojourn of three or four years will
be sufficient to re-establish her health. I am not
sure that I will not be in command of the garri
son at Atlanta, but that is not a matter of much
importance so long as I can remain in Georgia. I
wish a warm and uniform climate. Were it not
for the actual condition of my dear Emily's health,
I would not hesitate to go anywhere, but under
the present circumstances my first care must be for
her.

For a short time they were reunited, and happi
ness seemed to hold them in its keeping. At his
new station at McPherson Barracks, Atlanta, every
thing appeared favorable to her recovery. She un
packed her household goods, and took great pleas
ure in adorning and beautifying their new home.
The garrison was a large one after the arrival of
the Eighteenth Infantry from the Plains, and she
had the companionship of many of her own sex,
the wives of officers, who enchanted her with their
cheerfulness and pleasant manners under what would
be to most ladies trying discomforts. But the glad
spirit of the wife could not long overcome the ever-
increasing and ever-present shadow of her physical
weakness. On the 3Oth of June she was compelled
to seek again the tender nursing of her mother in
her struggle for life, and hurried her toward Willow-
brook. Here she remained until early in Novem
ber, when the approach of wintry weather forced
her to turn again toward Nassau. She never again
saw her home, for her gentle spirit took leave of
earth in the early days of the spring.

Marriage. 235

Her husband took entire charge of her in this
last voyage, but the exigencies of the service com
pelled him to leave her after a short stay, and he
returned in the December steamer. He hardly
realized, as he parted from her, that he was never
to look upon her fair face again in life, but was
buoyed up by the hope that he would again bring
her back to home and happiness when the spring
was well established. Her constant letters alter
nately gave him hope and distress, but when the
sad news came finally, he needed all of his Chris
tian faith and fortitude to recognize the truth that
" He doeth all things well."

After leaving his wife at Nassau, he had re
turned on the expiration of his leave to his post
at Atlanta. Just as he was arranging for his de
parture for Nassau in March, he was apprised by
a telegram, by way of Havana, dated March 29th,
that she was failing rapidly, and that he could not
possibly reach her before it was too late. So
quickly did her disease progress that he had
scarcely time to realize her imminent danger
before he was made aware of his bereavement.
She died at one o'clock on the morning of the
3oth of March, in the full exercise of her Christian
faith.

With unexpected strength she had held on to
life until the incoming steamer had landed, not ex
pecting, but yet hoping for her husband's presence,
and anxious to get his last loving message.

Her attending physician, Dr. Kirkwood, who
was also a valued personal friend, in writing to
General Upton, says :

236 Emory Upton.

NASSAU, June 26, 1870.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I have had no heart to
write to you before now, since the death of your
dear, good, beautiful wife, as all commonplace con
dolence would, for such an irreparable loss, be out
of place, and incomprehensible to you. I have no
doubt that you have regretted extremely that you
were not with her during her last days, but as there
was no decided, nor indeed apparent change until
about ten days before her death, it was impossible
for you to have reached here, or to have even com
municated with you. About two months before
her death, Nelly and I consulted about the expe
diency of sending for you, but as nothing indicated
that Mrs. Upton might not live for three or even
six months longer, we considered it not advisable
to send for you before the time you had arranged
for coming ; and when your wife expressed a desire
that you should not be sent for, we did not feel our
selves warranted in so doing, especially as I must
have told you what I told Nelly, and what I told
Mrs. Martin before leaving Willowbrook, that there
was no possible chance of Emily's recovering. The
sad truth would come all too soon when it could no
longer be concealed. Your dear wife did not really
realize thoroughly her state for more than a week
or ten days before her death, and I think it was a
blessing she did not, as in her case no warning was
necessary to prepare her for the end, as her beauti
ful life had been so perfect and good that little
change was necessary to convert her to what she is
now — an angel. But the main thing in the matter
of your absence is in this, that she really suffered

Marriage. 237

less, I believe, in dying, than she would have done
if you had been present ; for the pain of parting
would have been increased tenfold, and she expressed
herself very decidedly to that effect the day before
she died, when she was suffering very much. As I
was sitting by her bedside she said, " Oh, I am so
glad that Upton is not here to witness this, it would
add so much to both our pain in parting ! " and
added several similar expressions, showing her con
viction that it was better for both that you were
not present, and I am convinced that your presence
would have made her last parting from this world
more painful and bitter for her, and infinitely more
agonizing to you ; therefore I think you should con
sider the matter in the same light as she did, and
believe that " whatever is is best." Then she had
every care that loving and sympathizing friends
could give. Every person who had the happiness
of knowing your dear wife gave, if he could nothing
more, his love and kindest sympathy. Indeed, I
never knew any person who received so much gen
eral love and esteem, and, I may safely add, or who
deserved it more.

Upton was indeed bereaved. Nothing but his
firm religious faith could have sustained him in
the trying months that followed. The memory of
his wife was kept fresh and pure, and her influence
on his life never for a moment failed him. But
his after-life, although devoted to the conscientious
discharge of his duties, lacked that rounded full
ness that would have graced and perfected it had
it been given him to live it with his chosen wife.

238 Emory Upton.

In time he regained his wonted spirits, to all out
ward appearance, but, to those who were permitted
to penetrate his inmost thoughts, the growth in
spiritual manhood was known to be real and pro
gressive.

After the first severe trial, he never yielded to
rebellious thoughts, but acknowledged that " He
doeth all things well." He never for a moment for
got his beloved wife, nor permitted her image to fade
from his mind. He kept her memory fresh and pure,
dwelling on her virtues, her love, and her inheritance
as a child of God. This led him to believe her still
living, yet waiting for him, kept him pure, more at
tentive to his religious duties, and caused him to
seek opportunities of helping others to obtain the
peace of mind that had found a lodging in his soul.
His weekly letters to her mother down to the day of
his own death are filled with the noblest sentiments
and records of the purest conduct ; all unconsciously
told with the humility and sincerity of a man in whom
" the peace of God " has found a resting-place.

It is unquestionably the most marked tribute to
the greatness and priceless value of the true love of
a wife for her husband. It came to him at a time
when the glory of his profession had reached its
highest limit, and when without it he might have
let go the substance of his faith for the shadowy
possession of mere human praise, and the temporal
ities of a worldly life of ambition. He was merci
fully directed to center his thoughts and his love on
higher treasures than those of earth, and his life
gave striking evidence that it was in accord with
his religious belief.

Marriage. 239

The following letters exhibit the trustful spirit
of the Christian who alone can bear up under such
severe trials, and show how Upton, through his
chastening, grew in meekness and grace :

WlLLOWBROOK, May n, 1870.

MY DEAR PARENTS: Mrs. Martin and I will
leave to-morrow morning for New York on our
way to Atlanta, where, with God's blessing attend
ing us, we shall arrive Saturday, the 2ist I shall
remain there about ten days, and then break up,
preparatory to establishing myself at West Point.
We shall go via Washington, and return via Charles
ton and the sea to New York. Nelly arrived last
Friday from Nassau, quite worn in body and mind.
She passed a most trying month in Nassau, mostly
because she had no one to whom she could confide
her griefs, and from whom she could receive heart
felt sympathy. All the accounts she brings of my
dear Emily convey consolation. She tells us that
Emily passed a most happy winter ; that she suffered
far less at Nassau than she did at home last summer,
and the last ten days of her illness were not of that
painful nature we had apprehended. I strive to
bow to this affliction, and to acknowledge in it the
goodness of God ; yet I selfishly long for my dar
ling. I know this feeling to be wrong, since Emily,
having finished her labors, has simply been called
to her heavenly rest. She was prepared to go ;
her life was complete, and God has called her to
himself. I know that in her death I have been
drawn nearer to Christ, and that I can now lay hold
of the plan of salvation as I never could before.

240 Emory Upton.

Surely the resurrection of the body, the promise of
a blessed immortality, rob death of its sting, and if
prepared I can now see that, with St. Paul, we all
ought to be able to say that "for me to live is
Christ, and to die is gain."

Those, my dear parents, who, like you, have
nearly run the race of life, ought to look forward
with joy and thankfulness to the dawning of eternal
life, and I pray that with you we, as a family, may
all soon be partakers of the joys prepared for those
that love God. With tender love, my dear father
and mother, Your affectionate son,

EMORY.

ATLANTA, May 22, 1870.

MY DEAR SISTER : Mrs. Martin and I will leave
here a week from to-morrow, so as to take at Charles
ton the steamer of the 3ist, which, with God's bless
ing, will land us in New York June 3d. Mother bore
the journey here very well. She stopped over last
Sunday at Westchester, rested a day in Washing
ton, and one in Knoxville. We arrived here in
good health Saturday morning.

The feeling of desolation has again come over
me, as, in entering my home, I realize that the loved
one who made it so happy, my precious Emily, has
gone from me forever. But God can help me to
bear this sorrow, and, while now life offers no at
tractions, I know that when again in active duty,
employed in instilling in the minds of the nation's
future defenders ideas of devotion to duty and dis
cipline, I shall experience consolation in the thought
that I am again useful in the world. Here I am in

Marriage. 241

the midst of a thousand evidences of Emily's love
for me. It was at this desk my heart flowed out to
her daily in the letters which used to comfort her
poor heart. But all is changed. She is hidden
from me, and already violets, blooming over her
sacred form, offer their daily fragrance unto Heaven.
I am not tempted to arraign the goodness of God.
1 can humbly thank him for lending me, even for so
short a time, his angelic child, who, under his chas
tening hand, brought me back to a knowledge of
the truth, and with her I can say, " Bless the Lord,
O my soul, and forget not all his benefits."
ii

CHAPTER VIII.

COMMANDANT OF CADETS.

GENERAL UPTON, upon being mustered out of
the volunteer service in April, 1866, resumed his
rank of captain in the Fifth Regiment of Artillery
of the regular army. In the mean while favorable
recommendations had been sent to the War Depart
ment urging that his services should not be over
looked in the contemplated reorganization of the
army. From the Executive of his own State the
following strong indorsement of his services was no
less flattering to his friends than it was deserved by
himself :

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

ALBANY, November 17, 1865.

HON. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SIR: I have the honor to recommend that in the
reorganization of the regular army Brevet Major-
General E. Upton may be appointed to a position
commensurate with his experience, abilities, and
distinguished services. As a representative of this
State our people have taken a just pride in his brill
iant and highly honorable record in the field.

The troops under the immediate command of
General Upton have captured twenty colors, thirty-

Commandant of Cadets. 243

nine guns, and over six thousand prisoners, as ap
pears from the official reports. He has been three
times wounded, and has had a number of horses
killed under him. I earnestly desire that his meri
torious and patriotic services, extending through
the entire war, may receive proper recognition by
conferring as high rank and important command as
may seem justly his due.

Very respectfully,

R. E. FENTON.

On the 28th of July, 1866, he was offered and
accepted the rank of lieutenant-colonel of the
Twenty-fifth Regiment of Infantry. He passed his
examination with credit on the loth of October, and
was commissioned to date from the day of his ap
pointment. This substantial reward and recogni
tion of his services during the war was acknowl
edged by all who knew Upton, and were acquainted
with his career, as well deserved. But in the great
reduction that attended the reorganization of the
regular army, there were many officers who had
held high commands, had displayed creditable mili
tary ability, and who naturally expected to receive
due recognition in the reorganization of the army.
Some were offered rank but little higher than that
which they had gained by the slow process of lineal
promotion, and some were wholly passed over. A
number of these had had longer service than Upton,
and had held as high, if not higher, commands. Of
course the distribution of the prizes which was
made was held by these gentlemen and their friends
to be unfair. Individual instances may certainly be

244 Emory Upton.

cited which, without a thorough knowledge of all
the controlling circumstances, would appear to con
firm even the harshest criticism that could be made.
For instance, an officer of fifteen years' service be
fore the commencement of the rebellion had attained
to the rank of captain of artillery, and was in com
mand of his company at Fort Moultrie, and formed
with it a part of the garrison of Fort Sumter in its
defense by Major Anderson. This captain had seen
service in Mexico, and had been twice brevetted
for gallant and meritorious conduct in the battles
which preceded the capture of the city of Mexico
by General Scott. He gained the full rank of
brigadier-general of volunteers early in 1862, and
the brevets of all the grades up to and including
that of major-general in the regulars and volun
teers. He was a most gallant officer, and full of
earnestness, courage, and devotion to duty under
the most trying circumstances of the war. His act
ive service and exposure to every danger incident
to war were second to none. Yet, when the war
ended, his lineal rank in the artillery was still that
of captain, and upon being mustered out of the
volunteer service he returned to the command of
his company of artillery on the Florida coast in the
fall of 1865.

While such cases appear to give color to the cry
of partisan feeling with which the selecting and
appointing powers were charged, it is to be re
marked that no possible assignment could have been
made against which similar adverse criticism might
not with apparent justice have been urged. And
so far as Upton himself was concerned, it is quite

Commandant of Cadets. 245

certain that his advancement was a just and proper
tribute to his eminent military ability and gallant
services, and that, but for the rule requiring ap
pointees from the regular army in the same grade
to take rank according to date of previous commis
sion, he would have been a colonel, or stood at the
head of the lieutenant-colonels. He was recom
mended by General Grant for the higher grade,
but, as the names were arranged according to pre
vious regular army rank, his was at the end of the
list. The President afterward interpolated two
names, and thus pushed Upton's down into those of
the lieutenant-colonels, where they were again ar
ranged according to previous regular army rank,
which put him nearly at the foot of the list, His
subsequent labors in his profession reflected great
credit upon the American service, and brought in
creased honor to his name.

While on duty at Atlanta he was privately in
formed by the authorities in Washington that the
President had selected him as the next commandant
at West Point, and that he was to hold himself in
readiness to relieve Colonel H. M. Black, then com
mandant, June 30, 1870, the expiration of his term
of service. This gratifying assurance of the esteem
and confidence of the War Department was fully
appreciated, and he eagerly anticipated the possi
bilities that would come to him in the discharge of
his important trust. He thought of the pleasure it
would bring to his beloved wife, who he knew
would enter warmly into all his plans for the im
provement of the young soldiers intrusted to his
care.

246 Emory Upton.

But his fondest anticipations were by her death
at once sadly overclouded, and this bereavement
almost, for a time, overwhelmed him, and before he
reported for duty at West Point he had passed
through the severest trial that a Christian man has
to suffer, and was by it the better fitted to meet the
requirements of his new station.

The official head of the Military Academy is a
superintendent, having the local rank of a colonel
of engineers, appointed by the President of the
United States. At the time of which we write the
law had been so amended as to permit the selection
of superintendent to be made from the whole army,
whereas it had previously been limited to the Corps
of Engineers. The Academy was then under the
superintendency of General Pitcher, the first selec
tion under the new act, and he had already served
in that capacity for four years when General Upton
reported to him as the commandant of the Corps
of Cadets. An officer of high rank of the Inspector-
General's Department was the inspector of the
Academy, who reported directly to the Secretary
of War, and was the official channel between that
functionary and the superintendent. The superin
tendent has the immediate command and govern
ment of the institution. He directs the studies,
academic duties, and field exercises, and renders to
the War Department all required reports, returns,
and estimates concerning the Academy.

For the successful progress of the institution
during his administration he must be endowed with
more than ordinary ability, possess great tact and
firmness of purpose, and such inherent qualities as

Commandant of Cadets. 247

to command the respect and affection of his subor
dinates.

He should be sufficiently acquainted with the
special influence of the different branches of instruc
tion in the development of the scholarship of the
cadets, and should direct with judgment the opera
tions of the various departments, so that no undue
prominence shall be given one to the detriment of
another. On the other hand, he should interpose
to check the tendency always found in educational
institutions toward a disproportionate enlargement
of any department, due to the zeal of its professor.

His relation to the cadets is of the greatest im
portance in the exaction of discipline. Supervising
constantly all breaches of regulations, he wields a
powerful lever for the moral culture of the students.
Strict impartiality in his dealings with them inspires
confidence in the certainty that punishment will fol
low infractions of the regulations, and that proper
commendation will be ensured by good behavior.
It is essential that the most thorough accord should
exist in the relations of the superintendent and com
mandant of cadets.

This latter officer has the immediate command
of the Battalion of Cadets, and is the instructor in
the tactics of the three arms of the service and in
the rules of military police, discipline, and adminis
tration. His example should be that of the ideal
soldier, officer, and gentleman. He should cultivate
soldierly honor among the cadets until it attains
vigorous growth. He should rebuke with severity
the first tendency to prevarication or dishonesty in
word or act. With a system of divided responsi-

248 Emory Upton.

bility, which ultimately rests on one of two com
rades, he should control all by strict and increasing-
exactions.

To make his government successful he should be
endowed with the highest soldierly qualities in per
sonal bearing at drill, and even in every act while
subject to the vision of his corps.

The departments of instruction are presided
over by professors, commissioned by the President
as officers of the army, and confirmed by the
Senate. They are the only permanent officers of
the institution, and their duties pertain wholly to
instruction, studies, and other matters of a purely
academic character. Finally, a number of officers
of the army belonging to the various corps and
arms are detached from their customary duties and
sent to the Academy for a tour of four years' ser
vice as assistants in the several branches of instruc
tion. It will be seen from this outline that the
organization of the Academy is not unlike the execu
tive and legislative branches of the General Gov
ernment.

The superintendent is the president for four or
more years, and after his tour expires he rejoins
his command. While in office he is supreme, under
the regulations. The professors act as a senate, a
permanent body exercising a conservative influence
in methods and in the character of instruction. The
army officers, fresh from active service, like the
representatives of Congress, bring with them the
existing sentiment of the army, and return to it that
of the Academy when they again rejoin their com
mands.

Commandant of Cadets. 249

The exacting duties of the commandant can best
be understood by detailing- the current business to
which his attention is directed. His office, in a
building situated in the area of barracks, is centrally
located with respect to his command. At reveille,
which occurs at 6 A. M. during study-time, or from
September ist to June 2oth, cadets are required to
rise, dress, and appear in ranks in the area of bar
racks before the reveille ceases. Rolls are called by
the cadet first sergeant of each company, absentees
reported to each cadet captain, who, in turn, reports
to the cadet officer of the day. The latter, after re
porting to the army officer, an instructor of tactics,
in charge, personally seeks each delinquent, and
notifies him of his reported absence. On breaking
ranks, each cadet repairs to his room, makes his
bed, and the room orderly, in addition sees that the
room is ready for inspection. This inspection is
performed by cadet inspectors of subdivision, em
bracing two floors of barracks, or eight rooms.
Any departure from the provisions of regulations is
noted on the orderly report-book. Breakfast roll-
call takes place thirty minutes after reveille, and
after breakfast study-hours begin. The comman
dant appears in his office at 7.30 A. M., from and after
which time cadets may seek interviews with him to
explain any delinquencies with which they may
have been reported in the preceding twenty-four
hours. In these interviews the utmost particularity
of manner and bearing on the part of the cadet is
exacted. He knocks at the door of the comman
dant's office, waits the invitation to enter, and stands
uncovered and at attention while he states in clear

250 Emory Upton.

and concise language the object of his visit. It is
in these personal interviews that the commandant
learns the characteristics of the cadets. His explan
ations may be frank or guarded, he may be open or
reserved, but he builds up by his behavior at the
frequent visits the personal impression which the
commandant attaches to him in the four years of
his service as a cadet. Instead of seeking a personal
interview, he may submit a written explanation of
his delinquency, and in thus giving a written ex
pression to his motives and conduct he opens to
the commandant an inner view of his character. A
careful study of each cadet leads the commandant
to estimate the capability of the cadet to exercise
the duties of command, and, when this estimate is
confirmed by those of his assistants, the command
ant recommends to the superintendent a list taken
from those who have served a year, for appoint
ments as corporals in the battalion organization — as
sergeants from those who have served two years,
and as lieutenants and captains from those who have
served three years. These are the prizes for good
conduct, careful attention to duty, studious habits,
and aptitude for the profession as indicated by
their personal bearing and attention to drill and
discipline.

Each army officer, after orderly hours, inspects
the barrack-rooms of his company with a good deal
of particularity. The regulations which govern the
cadet occupants are very precise and minute. Even
the smallest article of clothing, under-wear, bedding,
equipment, or accoutrement, is so arranged as to be
readily seen by the inspector. The minute atten-

Commandant of Cadets. 251

tion paid to these matters furnishes the basis of the
majority of reported delinquencies, and has its use
in building up an attention to detail that is consid
ered essential in military life. It is not regarded as
a mark of serious unadaptability for the service to
be occasionally lacking in these respects ; but, as
these irregularities give demerit when not satisfac
torily accounted for, they affect the general stand
ing of the cadet in his class, and militate somewhat
against a soldierly reputation in the battalion or
ganization.

The control and supervision of the cadets are
under the commandant and his assistants during the
entire twenty-four hours, except when the cadet is
at recitation. Then the professors, with their assist
ants, are responsible for discipline and proper mili
tary bearing, and offenses occurring are brought to
the notice of the superintendent. The military drills
and exercises are regulated and conducted by the
commandant. They take place at such regular and
stated times as give them the character of enforced
exercises and recreation from study.

It must be apparent to even a casual observer
that the tone of the Corps of Cadets will be deter
mined by the character and disposition of the com
mandant and his associate officers. While it is true
that no serious mutiny could arise and remain long
unsubdued, yet it is quite possible that an inefficient
and weak commandant could work great disaster
to the moral tone of the Academy. To verify this
statement it is necessary to know what at present
exists and has for a long time existed in regard to
this moral tone. Considering the whole body of

252 Emory Upton.

young men as a community, with their customs and
unwritten laws, which have been passed down year
by year, from class to class, let us inquire what is
considered as vital and important in their common
sentiment. The upper or first class, from whom
the commissioned officers of the battalion are select
ed, represent the accumulated bearing, dignity, and
experience of the community. The prevailing sen
timent of this class is, for the time being, that of the
corps. They conceive that the good name of the
corps is in their keeping, and they jealously guard
it as their own. From past years they have re
ceived one thing of prime value — the principle that
a cadet's word is to be taken unquestioned. To lie,
prevaricate, or steal, are actions that no cadet could
be guilty of without at once being put beyond the
pale of comradeship, and subjected to complete os
tracism. Of the commission of such serious crimes
the authorities would at once be informed by a
spontaneous impulse, and the most severe manifes
tation of wounded personal feeling would be dis
played should such a case occur. The perfect trust
that exists among comrades, their faith in one an
other's word, the reliance on one another's charitable
assistance in distress, all serve to give this trait a
healthy growth and a real existence. Other viola
tions of regulations, such as intoxication, absence
from quarters, visiting other rooms, smoking, or
" frolicking," while they may receive no encourage
ment from the great majority, are regarded in a
light altogether different. The punishment may
fall upon the delinquents, and personal expostula
tion may be used among friends, although they are

Commandant of Cadets. 253

not crimes, but peccadilloes, as estimated by the
general sentiment.

Every year over a hundred young men, between
the ages of seventeen and twenty-two, come from
all parts of the country, having habits of all kinds
—natures that are more or less cultured in morals,
and tendencies that are as diverse as the conditions
that have produced them. To bring this large
fraction of the corps to realize the proper sentiment
required by the profession of arms, is a labor of
great delicacy, and yet of the greatest moment. It
is, therefore, a wise provision that the selection of
these two officers who bear this great responsibility
should rest upon the President of the United States,
and that he should be carefully advised as to his
nominations for these positions.

The ideal standard of discipline of the Corps of
Cadets, and which it seems possible to attain accord
ing to the system so admirably designed by Gen
eral Thayer, may be described as follows : It is pre
sumed and supposed possible, in these days of en
lightenment, that every young man entering West
Point can be made to perceive that he is the recip
ient of a nation's bounty, and that his acceptance
of it places him under an honorable obligation to
fulfill all the requirements that are exacted of him.
A denial of this obligation, or a design to evade its
just requirements, when either becomes evident to
the authorities, should bring about a separation of
such an individual from the benefits, and permit
another to enjoy what he declines. Let us suppose,
then, that a hundred young men enter, fully im
pressed with the solemnity of the important trust

254 Emory Upton.

confided to them, and of their obligations under
that trust. There is no question that, should the
governing powers be all that they ought to be, such
a sentiment could be cultivated and supported that
the regulations, minor as well as important, would
be obeyed from a sense of duty and a sense of per
sonal responsibility. The true function of the offi
cers on duty at the Academy would then be instruc
tion in its broadest sense — instruction in morals, in
drill, discipline, studies, and, in a broader view, of
their relations to the Government of the United
States.

Violations of regulations would occur of neces
sity, but they \vould only arise from carelessness,
from forgetfulness, a lack in systematic arrangement
of mind, and not from intention or deliberate pur
pose. Such violations would be attended by cor
rective but not punitive measures, and the demerit
roll would clearly exhibit the very quality of the
man for which such rolls ought to be established.
Every violation of regulations should then have
its appropriate demerit, which should never be re
moved if the regulation in question had been broken.
Is the system of responsibility such as to make this
a possibility ? Let us see. As a battalion organiza
tion the commandant is the colonel or official head.
Four army officers personally command the com
panies ; four cadet officers are appointed as captain
and lieutenants in each company ; the company has
also its appropriate cadet sergeants and corporals.
At drill, parade, or other battalion or company for-
mations, no violation of regulations can occur with
out the notice of a responsible officer. Let him be

Commandant of Cadets. 255

held responsible. In barracks, during study-hours,
the system of divided responsibility is such that
there is but one of two men who is responsible for
the preservation of good order. Hold him to it,
without inquiry as to the actual perpetrator of the
offense, and this system will yield the best results.
Let it be understood that the responsibility and its
punishment for all offenses will be at once placed
upon the individual who, by his office, is responsi
ble, and ^then there is brought into full power the
restraining influence of the honorable desire of
young men to protect their comrades in the dis
charge of duty. Punishment means, then, disaster
to a comrade, and its infliction can only be avoided
by preventing its cause.

Under the methods generally pursued, the whole
energy of the authorities is directed to detect the
guilty actor, and this calls into being the bold front
of combination of a governed class against the gov
ernors. No matter to which side temporary success
comes, a feeling of discontent will pervade both
sides alike while true discipline is impaired.

Examples of the martinet have been frequent at
West Point — report and punish being the rule, " in
struct and correct " the exception. The delight,
whether real or apparent, at the detection of some
trivial breaking of rules is made manifest to the
certain lowering of discipline.

It is, therefore, essential that these wrards of the
nation shall be governed while in their probationary
period of tutelage by just and honorable soldiers,
who stand in their profession as models worthy of
emulation. Experience and history both unite in

256 Emory Upton.

testifying that all cases of real insubordination have
their origin in the want of tact, narrow-mindedness,
or inefficiency of the constituted authorities of the
Academy for the time being. Any other supposi
tion as to the cause of such troubles is untenable
when one considers the vast power which the au
thorities may use in the correction of abuses. Five
hundred and forty dollars a year, affording the
means of a comfortable support, of a complete
equipment in clothing, books, and necessary mate
rial, for a sound and valuable preliminary education
for a noble profession, and a guarantee of a com
mission in the military service of the United States,
are the strong levers by which good government
and a willing obedience can be secured, not only
from three hundred and fifty young men, but from
a vastly greater number. Let us, in the light of the
above, study the career of General Upton while ex
ercising his function as commandant of cadets.

He reported for duty July i, 1870, and took
command of the corps when it was in camp. His
brilliant career, combined with his soldierly bear
ing, made at once the best impression upon the
young men confided to his charge, and they soon
learned that he knew how to command. The mili
tary drills improved, the bearing of the cadets
became more military, and his quick, prompt
movements found a ready response in their own
quickened motions. Nothing occurred during the
encampment to mar the pleasant relationship that
soon grew into mutual confidence and respect. At
every drill the commandant was on the ground,
supervising but not interfering in the functions of

Commandant of Cadets. 257

his subordinates. Camp was broken as usual in
the latter part of August, and barrack and study
life began in earnest on the ist of September. The
battalion-drills soon exhibited to the corps that they
had fallen into the hands of a thorough tactician ;
and it was not long before the evolutions of this
organization exhibited a perfection that enhanced
the pride of the cadets as much as it contributed
to the pleasure of all the officers of the Academy
and visitors who witnessed them.

The utmost harmony seemed to prevail. Minor
changes incident to all new administrations were
made without friction, and everything gave promise
of a successful and peaceful tour of service for four
years. Thoughts of uninterrupted labor in the
details of his professional work filled Upton's mind,
and no one could have predicted the trouble that
afterward appeared. The January examination was
approaching, and only minor delinquencies existed
in the corps. The first serious disturbance of his
administration occurred on the 2d of January, 1871.
A brief summary of the circumstances is as fol
lows :

New-Year's-day falling on Sunday, the next day,
Monday, January 2d, was observed as a holiday,
and the ordinary duties of the Academy were sus
pended. A hop had been granted to the first and
second classes, and visiting privileges in barracks
to the third class ; but the fourth class remained
under the customary restrictions, because its exam
ination was to begin at 9 A. M. on the morning of
the 3d of January.

Taking advantage of the fact that the majority

258 Emory Upton.

of the cadets would not be required to be present
in their rooms after evening call to quarters, a
cadet of the fourth class determined to absent him
self from his quarters, and, at some risk, visit the
neighboring- village of Highland Falls. In the esti
mation of the older cadets, this action would not be
considered dishonorable, although it constitutes a
violation of an important regulation, and in case of
detection would be followed by the serious punish
ment of suspension for a year, or complete dis
missal. But the cadet went further than this, and
overstepped the boundary of recognized morals,
by arranging with his room-mate to falsely report
that his absence, in case it should be discovered,
was a permissible and proper one. Discovery did
follow, the false report was made, its falsity was de
tected, and both young men were arrested. Asso
ciated with them, another cadet of the same class
was also detected in a similar action.

Had nothing occurred to interfere with the
proper course of justice, the action of the authori
ties would have been as follows : Charges would
have been preferred, and a trial ordered before a
general court-martial, followed by a sentence of dis
missal, in the event of the substantiation of the
charges. Or the resignation of the cadets would
have been accepted, to prevent publicity and mor
tification to the friends and relatives of the offend
ing cadets. A mitigation of the sentence of dis
missal might have been made by the authorities at
Washington, as had been done in several preceding
similar cases.

When the facts in these cases were known to

Commandant of Cadets. 259

the members of the first class, an almost spon
taneous feeling of indignation took possession of
them which carried them beyond the bounds of dis
cipline. They violated the regulations in several im
portant particulars. Thus, they met as a class and
deliberated upon the action they should take. They
decided to drive these guilty cadets from the Acad
emy, and on the following night, at twelve o'clock,
their determination was put into execution, without
the slightest suspicion being aroused in the mind
of any officer of the Academy. At orderly hour on
the next morning a committee of this class informed
General Upton of their action, and awaited their
punishment for the proceedings which they had
originated and effected. They gave certain rea
sons as a justification of their course. They stated
" that the reputation of the corps had been suffering
a long time under the imputation that the mem
bers were not as truthful or as honorable as they
had been before, and that too many cases of this
character had recently come to light ; they be
lieved it was necessary to place some seal of con
demnation upon such conduct, and therefore they
had decided as a class that the only way they
could do that was by telling these persons to leave
the post — that they would not have them in the
corps." They stated " that they went to the rooms
of these cadets and informed them of this, took them
up the back road near Fort Putnam, gave them
citizens' clothes, fifty dollars in money to support
them until they could get assistance from their
friends, and then told them to leave." They stated
further " that it was a transaction of the whole class,

260 Emory Upton.

that they were alike responsible, and were perfectly
willing to tell everything that had occurred ireely,
so that the authorities would be in possession of all
the evidence and particulars of the affair."

The commandant immediately reported this to
the superintendent, and directed the first class to
submit at once in writing the evidence on Avhich the
action of the class had been based. He did not
consider it necessary to put the whole class in ar
rest, for the reason that whatever was to be done
should be done in a very deliberate manner, and
there was plenty of time to consider what steps
should be taken in the premises.

In obedience to the direction of the comman
dant the following paper was sent in on the next
day:

WEST POINT, N. Y., January 5, 1871.

SIR : We have taken a step of some boldness,
but not of precipitation, as we fully considered the
consequences of our act before accomplishing it,
and were urged to it by motives which we be
lieved to be commendable and to the advantage of
the Corps of Cadets.

The evidences against the cadets were taken into
account and fully weighed, and we thought their
conduct was such as would justify our course of
action.

. . . The events to which the foregoing state
ments relate occurred on the 2d day of January, 1871.
The above is the evidence upon which we acted,
and it showed conclusively to our minds that such
men as these were unfit to bear the name and be
the associates of gentlemen, and were a disgrace to

Commandant of Cadets. 261

the uniform which they wore. Moreover, from the
manner in which some members of the fourth class
have been conducting themselves of late, and the
utter disregard of the truth which they have
evinced, we judged that a severe example was
necessary to amend this laxity of principle, and that
were the matter to be conducted by the first class
it would have a more decided effect upon them than
would a regular process by the proper authorities,
for their prevarications would, to a great extent?
screen them from the eyes of the latter, while little
or nothing could be concealed from those who have
every opportunity of witnessing and hearing of
their misdemeanors. These are the motives which
urged us to the conception of our project, and the
execution of the decided step which we adopted.
We are, very respectfully, your obedient servants,

COMMITTEE
Representing the First Class.

On the 4th of January, General Upton dis
patched one of his officers to Highland Falls to
bring the three cadets back to West Point, but they
had gone, one to Jersey City and the other two to
Poughkeepsie. On the 5th, word was received as
to their whereabout, and the same officer pro
ceeded by first train on the 6th to Poughkeepsie,
and brought back two of them. After an interview
with the commandant, during which he clearly
stated to them the nature of the charges against
them for lying, and the character of the proof which
could be submitted to substantiate the charges, they
both offered their resignations. These resignations,

262 Emory Upton.

not having the consent of their parents, as required
by the regulations, were, however, forwarded by
the commandant approved, with the recommenda
tion that the requisite parental consent be waived
in both cases, because of the delay and useless mor
tification it would occasion. The resignations were
accepted, to take effect on January gth.

On the loth of January, the superintendent, hav
ing fully investigated the matter, issued an order in
which, while he concedes that the motive which
animated the members of the first class originated
from a praiseworthy source, he expressed his strong
disapproval of their assumption of power, and as
signed to them punishment.

On the 8th of January, a resolution was intro
duced in the House of Representatives, and passed
on the 1 2th, as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs
be empowered to send for persons and papers to in
vestigate said matters of the expulsion and subse
quent enforced resignation of certain cadets, and to
report the facts to the House, with such recommen
dation, by bill or otherwise, as the facts, in their
opinion, may warrant, and the committee shall have
leave to report at any time.

The January examinations, which began on the
3d of the month, were permitted to continue unin-
terrupted until their close, before the Congressional
Committee began their investigation. This was in
accordance with the request of the Secretary of
War to the Committee on Military Affairs of the
House.

Commandant of Cadets. 263

Three members of this committee, Joel F. Asper,
Jasper Packard, and H. W. Slocum, were appointed
a sub-committee, and on the 2;th of January pro
ceeded to West Point to investigate the affair.
They sat two days, and examined all parties con
cerned, and on the 7th of February submitted their
report.

The principal points in their report, to which
our attention for the purposes of this memoir is
needed, are these :

After stating that the committee found no great
difficulty in ascertaining the facts in the case, as the
War Department and the officers and cadets at the
Academy promptly placed at their disposal every
means and facility in their power to enable them to
make a thorough and ample investigation, they re
ported the facts substantially as above given. They
add, referring to the action of the superintendent
and commandant :

Nothing further was done with the offenders.
No arrests were made, no charges preferred, nor
has any action been taken by the War Depart
ment.

The cadets of the first class engaged in this
transaction have been kept on duty as before, have
charge of the cadets in the lower classes as cap
tains and lieutenants, and are daily engaged in
assisting to train and discipline the corps. . . . The
reasons which induced the sudden outburst of mob
spirit in the first class seem to be either incompre
hensible, or spring from some cause which your
committee have been unable to fathom. Your com-

264 Emory Upton.

mittee examined several of the officers on duty at
the post, but the only reason they could assign was
that the authorities there had not been properly
supported in their efforts to preserve order and an
enforcement of discipline. The sum of the testi
mony on this point was, that discipline at the
Point was as good as, or rather better for the last
six months than, formerly. And if this be true, its
former condition must have been deplorable. The
officers immediately in charge of the first class join
in the report that this class have been more than
usually amenable to discipline ; have had a high
standing for good and orderly conduct. The offi
cers of the Academy knew nothing of the transac
tion, nor have they approved or in any way in
dorsed it. " In a military point of view " they have
utterly condemned it. They, however, speak of
the " motive of the first class as good." Your com
mittee have made a statement of all the facts they
could gather, and they believe them full enough
for a proper understanding of the transaction, and
report them to the House in obedience to the reso
lution, and it now remains to make such a recom
mendation as they believe the facts will demand :

i. As to the officers, the committee believe that
the superintendent of the Academy and the com
mandant of the Corps of Cadets failed to properly
appreciate the gravity of the offense committed by
the first class, and showed a disposition to avoid a
proper investigation and punishment of the gross
breach of discipline and violation of regulations
committed by the class. In their urgent recom
mendations for the immediate acceptance of the

Commandant of Cadets. 265

resignations of [the cadets implicated], they disre
garded the following regulation of the Academy :

" Par. 165. A cadet's resignation, if he be under
age, must be accompanied by a written consent of
his parent or guardian."

2. Their conduct in advising these cadets to
resign before any notice had been taken of, or in
vestigation ordered into, the outrage of which they
had been the victims, is censurable. Their failure
to take prompt action for the punishment of the
offending class, by arresting the guilty cadets and
preferring charges against them for a court-mar
tial ; their official expression of a belief that the class
were actuated by " good motives " in their unlaw
ful action ; and their continuance of the first class
on duty as cadet officers to enforce the discipline
of the Academy, amount, in the opinion of the com
mittee, to a virtual sanction of the riotous proceed
ings of the class, and an encouragement of the repe
tition of the offense. The position thus assumed by
the officers is subversive of the discipline of the
Academy. It will, if maintained, place the govern
ment of the institution in the hands of the first class
whenever they see fit to constitute themselves the
judges of the delinquencies of the members of the
other classes, and will thus destroy all subordina
tion and respect for law in the Corps of Cadets.
The conduct of the officers shows a lack of com
prehension of the principles of military discipline,
surprising in officers of long and honorable service
in the army. The only thing that can be said in
extenuation of their action is the fact that their
efforts to maintain discipline heretofore seem not to

12

266 Emory Upton.

have been properly sustained by the authorities at
Washington and that sentences of courts-martial
providing for the dismissal of cadets have almost
invariably been remitted. . . .

The published report of the committee contain
ing this censure reached West Point February 8th,
and on the Qth the superintendent and commandant
addressed the following letter to the inspector of
the Academy. The letter was written by General
Upton, and concurred in by General Pitcher :

The Military Committee of the House of Repre
sentatives, in their report to that honorable body in
reference to the expulsion from the Military Acad
emy of [certain] cadets by the first class, having
charged the superintendent of the Academy and the
commandant of the Corps of Cadets with having
"failed to properly appreciate the gravity of the
offense committed by the first class, and showed a
disposition to avoid a proper investigation and
punishment of the gross breach of discipline and
violation of the regulations committed by the
class " ; having charged them with the offense of
having " disregarded the following regulations of
the Academy : ' A cadet's resignation, if he be under
age, must be accompanied by a written consent of
his parent or guardian ' " ; having charged that
" their conduct in advising these cadets to resign
before any notice had been taken of, or investiga
tion ordered into, the outrage of which they had
been the victims, is censurable ; their failure to take
prompt action for the punishment of the offending
class, by arresting the guilty cadets and preferring

Commandant of Cadets. 267

charges against them for a court-martial ; their offi
cial expression of a belief that the class were actu
ated by good motives in their unlawful action, and
their continuance of the first class on duty as cadet
officers to enforce the discipline of the Academy,
amount, in the opinion of the committee, to a verbal
sanction of the riotous proceedings of the class, and
an encouragement of the repetition of the offense " ;
having further charged that " the position thus as
sumed by the officers is subversive to the discipline
of the Academy," and that " the conduct of the offi
cers shows a lack of comprehension of the princi
ples of military discipline."

The undersigned, the superintendent of the Mili
tary Academy and the commandant of the Corps
of Cadets, availing themselves of the rights granted
by the ninety-second article of war, respectfully
demand that a court of inquiry be ordered to inves
tigate their conduct, with a view to being brought
to trial by a general court-martial should there be
found to be any facts to sustain the charges made
against them by the Military Committee.

At the time the sub-committee was at West
Point investigating the expulsion of the cadets
named, all the facts connected with their expulsion
were in the possession of the Honorable Secretary
of War, the head of the Military Academy.

Without any connection whatever with the un
lawful act of the first class, it became the duty of
the commandant of cadets to prefer charges against
[certain] cadets for making false reports, or what is
commonly called " lying."

As integrity and truthfulness must be the basis

: : ; Emory Upton.

of the character of every worthy and reliable offi
cer: as all frauds, false musters, embezzlements, or
misapplication of public funds can only be perpe
trated under the false certificate of an officer, the
crime of official falsehood has always been regarded
as one of the most serious in the military calendar,
and has no less punishment than dismissal.

Falsehood was the charge against the three
cadets. The Honorable Committee state that •• two
of the cadets freely admitted their offenses, and from
circumstances, and the character of the boys,
they do not believe them destitute of either manli
ness or integrity."

As nearly all officers in the course of their
lives hold positions of great pecuniar}' trust, the
superintendent and commandant, in the interest
of the Government, hold that the vice of lying- is
incompatible with integrity, and that when a ca
det is guilty of the offense of falsehood the Gov
ernment should be spared the expense of educating
him.

The three cadets named admitted their guilt,
and, as had been often done before, they were, in
kindness to themselves and friends, advised to re
sign to avoid the disgrace inevitably attending a
trial by court-martial.

As the responsible parties for good order and
military discipline, the undersigned feel and know
that a false impression, diligently cultivated, pre
vails throughout the country as regards the disci
pline and subordination of the Corps of Cadets.
This impression will be strengthened by the report
of the Military Committee.

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270 Emory Upton.

tary discipline, to receive the legal punishment due

to so grave an offense.

T. G. PITCHER,

Colonel First Infantry ',

Brevet Brigadier-General, United States Army,
Superintendent Military Academy.

E. UPTON,

Lieutenant-Colonel First Artillery,

Brevet Major-General, United States Army,

Commandant of Cadets.

As the authorities at Washington took no action,
and as no court of inquiry was ordered in the case,
it is presumed that they were not dissatisfied with
the conduct of the two officers throughout the
whole affair, or did not see how it could be bettered
by a court of inquiry. The resolution of the Mili
tary Committee was never passed by Congress, and
the matter finally rested. Two of the implicated
cadets were returned to the Academy in the follow
ing June : one became a diligent and praiseworthy
cadet, graduated with good standing, and entered
the service ; the other did not ultimately graduate,
but failed at a subsequent examination.

The foregoing matter is of interest to us only in
the light it casts on General Upton's character, and
the way in which he performed his duty as com
mandant of cadets. There can be no question that
in every respect his dealings with the delinquent
three cadets were manly and considerate, but not
in accord with the requirements of the regulations.
Under no circumstances of personal feeling, or sym
pathetic interest, could he overlook a departure

Commandant of Cadets. 271

from the truth so glaring as here indicated, without
dealing a deadly blow to the best interests of the
Academy. In such cases the individual interests of
the cadet must suffer, and no plea that it is but the
first slip, and that it will not recur, should be given
a moment's consideration. The moral well-being
of three hundred other young men, and much more
the official integrity of the whole army, is too price
less a trust to be endangered or put in jeopardy on
any purely personal grounds.

But his course with reference to the first class is
open to criticism. He recognized the unlawfulness
of their action, and no doubt felt the difficulty of
deciding upon so intricate a case as was presented
for his judgment. It is only in the light of after-
events that we are enabled to see clearly the best
course. It often happens in an orderly and law-
abiding community that some peculiarly revolting
crime calls forth almost spontaneously the cry for
speedy vengeance, and the infliction of lynch law.
But when the passions cool, and reason once more
prevails, while the act may be justly condemned, no
one would in sound reason desire to have the actors
subjected to the penalty that the letter of the law
demands. Had the commandant at the first informa
tion of the illegal action of the first class promptly
placed them in arrest, he would by this act at once
have put his seal of condemnation upon this great
est of military crimes. The responsibility of their
punishment or release would have at once been
transferred to higher authority. Such would un
questionably have been the course pursued by an
officer of less self-reliance or even of less ability as

272 Emory Upton.

a soldier than was General Upton. His very quali
ties which we esteem and admire caused him to go
beyond the proper function of his office, for, what
ever may have been the action of the superintend
ent, Upton should at once have arrested the cadets
of the first class who made known to him in his
office what they had done, and followed this action
by an immediate report to the superintendent, re
questing his sanction and confirmation. A court of
inquiry, at once applied for, would have brought
out all the facts, and a court-martial have sentenced
and caused to be inflicted the proper punishment.

The severe strictures of the sub-committee on
Upton's conduct do not seem to be warranted by
an impartial view of the case. He nowhere upholds
the conduct of the first class, but condemns it.
Being an official subordinate to the superintendent,
he was not responsible for their punishment one
moment after the latter knew officially of the action
of the class. His position does not warrant any
interpretation of independency. Responsibility at
taches to his office only so far as its functions ex
tend. It was the superintendent who, in an official
order, qualified the motives of the class as "good,"
although it may be inferred that Upton agreed with
him in this view. Doubtless the gratification he ex
perienced in perceiving the estimate of the class for
the honor of the corps in respect to truth-telling had
its influence in blinding him to the enormity of its
departure from the essential principle of military
subordination.

The history of an administration in the govern
ment of young men is brief or voluminous accord-

Commandant of Cadets. 273

ing as the ordinary routine is unbroken or not by
incidents that vary from the usual happening. But
in either case the important daily work to them
goes on unceasingly. The time of seed-planting is
usually quiet and peaceful. It is only when the
grain has ripened that we can judge whether the
early spring labor has been thorough or indiffer
ent.

At two o'clock on the morning of the 5th of
February, 1871, a fire broke out in the Dialectic
Hall, over the sally-port of barracks. The weath
er was bitterly cold, the thermometer marking six
degrees below zero, and the wind was blowing
strongly from the northwest. Not more than ten
minutes had elapsed since the smoldering fire had
broken out into flames, before the long-roll brought
every cadet into ranks in the area. The fine effects
of discipline were soon manifested in the prompt
and vigorous way in which the whole corps took
their respective stations to fight the fire. Despite
these prompt measures the whole upper floor of
the great stone barrack-building was destroyed,
but because of their alertness the Academic build
ing containing valuable models and apparatus was
saved, and the ordinary work went on after a sin
gle day's intermission. In a congratulatory order
issued by General Upton, then acting as superin
tendent during General Pitcher's temporary ab
sence, he says :

" It is with pleasure that the acting superintend
ent announces to the Corps of Cadets his own and
the general commendation elicited by their action

274 Emory Upton.

at the fire yesterday morning. No higher proof of
their discipline could have been given. In the per
fect order that prevailed during the whole fire, in
the cheerful obedience to every order, in endur
ance under extreme cold, in the very energy, de
termination, and bravery with which they fought
the flames for three hours, resulting in averting a
great disaster to the Academy, the cadets have
given a pledge of gallant devotion to duty which
the Government can not fail to appreciate."

During General Upton's tour of duty at West
Point he had the honor to command the Corps of
Cadets on a tour away from the Academy. This
was on the occasion of the second inauguration of
President Grant, March, 1873. The Secretary of
War had decided to order the cadets to Washing
ton to do honor to the occasion and to express in
this way his gratification to them for their good
conduct and marked improvement in military
bearing and discipline. He took the greatest
pride in these young soldiers and wished to ex
hibit them in their organized capacity to the
citizens gathered at Washington from all parts
of the country. The young men acquitted them
selves handsomely, and received a perfect ovation
during their entire visit. They left West Point
March 2d, crossed the river on the ice, and, return
ing on the 7th, recrossed in the same manner — an
evidence that the weather was not spring-like in
character.

Upton's work as commandant may be consid
ered in its two divisions ; that relating to the in-

Commandant of Cadets. 275

struction in drill and tactics, and that in the devel
opment of character and in the cultivation of honor
and integrity.

With respect to the first, we may dismiss it in a
few words. The battalion reached a state of great
efficiency in its drill. No finer sight can be im
agined than the superb marching and exact evolu
tion of the cadets under his care, at parade, drill,
or review. Their splendid physical development,
their elastic, springy step, erect bearing and sol
dierly appearance, happily tempered the rigidity
and stiffness which usually accompany troops in
their ordinary movements and evolutions.

In the more important but less noticeable de
partments of education he had himself much to
learn, and many difficulties to overcome. We have
seen that at the end of his first six months of duty
he had the bitter lesson taught him that serious
trouble may arise when least expected, and that
existing sentiment can only be modified by patient
labor and a rational education to a higher concep
tion of duty. He found existing a practice, where
by pledges were exacted of the fourth class not to
engage in hazing the members of the next coming
class, under forfeiture of their furlough privileges.
A strong disbeliever in such means to enforce right
action, he, early in the spring, recommended to
the superintendent the abrogation of the pledge
system, and asserted his belief that obedience to
the regulations in this respect could be had from
higher motives ; and, his recommendation being
favorably considered, the pledges were never again
exacted.

276 Emory Upton.

It seems to be common, to most of those who
are charged with the immediate government of
young men, to wish to know every thought by
which they are swayed and every act which results
therefrom — the idea being that, possessed of this
knowledge, the power they control can best be
used to reward the good and punish the guilty.
But they forget that although the Almighty, in the
possession of this great knowledge, governs man
kind by giving to his creatures a perfect exercise
of free-will, that they may either obey the law to
their benefit or disobey to their distress, yet he
has never imparted this great power to any of his
creatures. The founders of the Academy have
wisely guaranteed to its pupils the rights and privi
leges of trial by court-martial, and the civil law has
bestowed upon them the rights of freemen, by
which their privileges are maintained until convic
tion under the law is satisfactorily determined. To
illustrate, it is a matter of history that at one time
a superintendent, to carry out this principle, in
creased largely the number of officers supervising
the cadets, lodged them in barracks, and required
them to report every violation of regulations that
came under their notice. His motive was per
fectly pure, for he wished, so to speak, to have his
eyes upon the corps at all times — to be a father to
them — to warn them before it became too late to
save themselves from the consequences of their
numerous lapses from perfect deportment, and by
his power of removing demerit to prevent their
ultimate discharge from the Academy for miscon
duct. Yet what was the result ? It could easily

Commandant of Cadets. 277

have been foretold by any interested party. This
undue supervision, and what appeared to them
espionage, broke down at once all sense of per
sonal responsibility. Demerit increased frightfully.
The area of barracks was full, every Saturday after
noon, of cadets on punishment for trivial violations
of regulations, and a false sentiment of duty and of
responsibility was rapidly permeating the corps, to
its great detriment.

The same result is effected whenever a knowl
edge of every action going on in a body of young
men is obtained in any other manner than by the
open and free inspection of the properly consti
tuted authorities. Any attempt to make a comrade
inform upon his neighbor, unless it is done in the
line of his duty, is not to be commended, but such
report must come in all cases from a sense of duty
and responsibility attaching to the office which the
reporting officer holds.

General Upton at one time seems to have held
views contrary to those expressed above. Deeply
sensible of the great charge resting upon him, he
conceived that his duty required him to ascertain
in cases of marked disorder who were guilty by
requiring testimony in the matter from comrades
who might be cognizant of the affair in question,
holding that, as this course would be warrantable
in the case of soldiers, it was likewise warrantable
in the case of cadets. It is to his credit that he
soon saw the fallacy of his judgment, and forbore
putting this engine of mischief into action. Had
he been less liberally-minded, this drag-net method
of gaining information of whatever abuses might

278 Emory Upton.

be prevalent would unquestionably have resulted
in a degradation of the sense of honor, and have
made during his administration the temptation to
deceive and prevaricate greater than it was possi
ble for young men to withstand.

In such a body of young men, where truth, prin
ciple, and integrity are valued so highly, it is not
difficult for any one to live according to his princi
ples, be they as pure and high as they may. All
that is required by the sentiment of the corps is
consistency in principle and conduct. To the ex
istence of this sentiment the fact that so large a
number of cadets openly profess to be religiously
inclined, and who are respected in their opinions,
must be attributed.

For many years a prayer-meeting twice a week,
supported and controlled by the cadets themselves,
and varying in number from fifty to seventy-five,
has existed. General Upton gave his strong sup
port to this organization, frequently met with them,
encouraged the timid, and supported all by his
words and countenance. At chapel he was always
present, and his practical religious life and hum
ble Christian profession were potent influences
to the young men who knew of his marked mili
tary success. It exhibited to all of them the per
fect compatibility of his life of devotion to his
profession with his earnest desire to receive the
instruction and preparation for the higher life to
come.

Nothing of especial moment marked the remain
der of his career as commandant at West Point. So
thorough was the confidence reposed in him by the

Commandant of Cadets. 279

governing authorities at Washington, that he was
retained a year beyond the ordinary tour of service,
or five years in all. His work, taken as a whole,
was one of marked success. The lessons which he
instilled into the youthful minds are now being
applied by his pupils in their career as officers
wherever the fractions of the army are located.
None can think of him or of his precepts or exam
ple without gratitude for the high-minded, soldierly,
and Christian earnestness with which he supported
truth and frowned upon whatever was low and
paltry.

In the summer of 1871, General Thomas H.
Ruger, colonel of the Eighteenth Infantry, suc
ceeded General Pitcher as superintendent, and in
Upton the new superintendent found a zealous,
upright officer, and a hearty supporter of his
government. The Academy continued in a ca
reer of well-being that is creditable to both gen
tlemen for their sterling ability and judicious gov
ernment.

During all this time Upton snatched every mo
ment that could be spared from his exacting duties
as commandant in revising his tactics, and in the
duties of the assimilation which had been intrusted
to the Board of which he was the president.

His religious growth never ceased. The text of
hi^letters home exhibited to those near and dear to
him how much he dwelt upon the thoughts relating
to his spiritual life, and how these were the guiding
principles of his inner manhood. That these may
bear witness to this side of his character, a few of
his letters are here inserted :

280 Emory Upton.

WEST POINT, January 28, 1872.

MY DEAR FATHER AND MOTHER : At the close
of a quiet and beautiful Sabbath, it again gladdens
my heart to have the privilege of writing to you,
and to convey those sentiments of duty and affection
which I always feel toward you. Filial affection is
ever the similitude of the tender abiding love we
owe, as dutiful children, to our heavenly Father,
who has commanded us to "owe nothing to any
man, but to love one another."

Day by day I grow more thankful to God for
his enduring mercies; for the preservation which
he extends to all whom I love. He hath kept you
to be a blessing to all your children, still work
ing out in your lives additional glory to himself.
Thoughts of eternal life come to me now like water
to the thirsty soul. I love to meditate on the
heavenly city where Christ dwells, and is the light
of those who believe in his mercy. " That which
thou sowest is not quickened except it die," and as
the seed sown so shall be the fruit. The seed which
we must all sow is the life which we have led here
on earth. If our lives are spent in glorifying God,
in humbly doing his will, and walking in his ways, it
will in death be quickened, and again blossom in
eternal loveliness, and ripen in the continual sun
shine of God's love. Purified, we shall then be as
the images of the heavenly. " What we shall be it
doth not yet appear; but we shall be like him " in
whose image we are created. . . .

May 25, 1873.

This beautiful day I can not allow to pass with
out writing something to you to cheer your hearts.

Commandant of Cadets. 281

West Point is again resuming its beautiful robe of
summer, reminding those with grateful hearts of the
goodness and unchangeableness of God, who leaveth
himself not without witness in that he doeth us
good, and giveth us rain from heaven and fruitful
seasons, filling our hearts with food and gladness.
Every day of my life my faith in the unseen and
eternal world grows stronger and stronger. I real
ize more and more the nature and sufficiency of
that sacrifice which our blessed Saviour made upon
the cross for the sins of the whole world. With his
everlasting arms to support us we ought always to
press forward for the mark of the high prize of the
calling of God, realizing that no yoke is imposed
upon us, but that in obeying his will and command
ments we are walking in the perfect law of liberty.
I love to dwell upon the glories of the unseen world,
where, all being in harmony with God's will, there
will be no need of law ; where love in its fullness
will unite all hearts in praise of the goodness of the
Father of us all.

June i, 1873.

MY DEAR MOTHER : * Every word of your last
Sunday letter has made its lasting impression upon
me. This morning at church we heard a sermon
the text of which was so applicable to us that it has
been running in my mind ever since — " Wait pa
tiently." A peculiar tenderness always comes over
me when I enter the Lord's holy temple, and this
morning particularly, on which communion was
celebrated according to the form of our Emily's

* Mrs. Martin.

282 Emory Upton.

blessed church, it seemed as if God in his loving
kindness permitted her specially to draw near and
minister unto me.

It is at such sacred times and in such sacred
places that I realize the full volume of that tender
human love which God, who spared not his own
Son, has removed from me, and it is at such times,
when in the anguish of my heart I can only say,
" Thy will be done," that I can feel the full import
and comfort of the words, " wait patiently." Yes,
my dear mother, wait patiently. The thin curtain
of mortality only separates us from the love which
shall be revealed. We shall but imitate the exam
ple of him who waits patiently for all to come unto
him, to triumph over all the sorrows which the
loving hand of our Saviour sends us.

I sometimes fear that your happiness is de
creased by the proximity of the " hill-side," and that
the consciousness of being so near the sacred dust
which you once so tenderly loved leads you to seek
our precious Emily among the dead and not among
the living where Christ dwells. Would that the
angels might speak to you as they spake to the dis
ciples who visited the tomb of our Lord, " She is
not here, but is risen " ! Our hearts yearn for one
word from her gentle lips, one smile from her beau
tiful eyes ; but let us wait patiently, for God will
bring us to her, when we shall behold her bearing
the image of the heavenly. Of all the earthly bless
ings with which my life has been crowned, associa
tion with Emily's pure spirit is the one for which I
can not express to our heavenly Father the grati
tude I feel for the unspeakable gift. Through it he

Commandant of Cadets. 283

has led me to the foot of the cross, and to the
knowledge that the blood of Christ cleanseth from
all sin. And I feel again that he has sent me the
spirit of truth, and that he comforts me daily and
hourly by the presence of the Holy Spirit, which
bids me wait patiently for the perfect love which
soon will be revealed.

CHAPTER IX.

MILITARY OBSERVATIONS AND STUDIES IN FOREIGN
LANDS.

IN the fall of 1871 a conversation which General
Upton had with Mr. Seward, Secretary of State,
turned his thoughts toward China as a possible
field of labor in his profession and presented him a
prospect of substantial advancement and an in
crease in his material possessions. He entertained
no idea of becoming a " soldier of fortune," but
rather that his talents might be worthily employed
in developing the military resources of a great em
pire, which would react most beneficially upon the
interests of his own country. Properly appreciat
ing General Upton's adaptability, and in hearty
accord with his ambition, Mr. Seward did not hesi
tate to set the wheels in motion, and, no doubt,
after consultation with the President, and with his
sanction, he wrote the following letter to our minis
ter in China :

AUBURN, N. Y., October 31, 1871.

His Excellency Mr. Low.

MY DEAR SIR : The observation of political
affairs which I made in China confirmed me in the
opinion that I had previously entertained, that it is
for the interest of civilization to encourage the ex
isting government, and lead it gently, though firmly,

Foreign Military Observations. 285

in the way of modern progress, in conformity with
the laws of nations.

As a necessary part of this policy, it seemed to
me that the Chinese Government ought to be
shown how to organize its military force on the
principles of modern science and economy. As
that government has already adopted Western prin
ciples and guidance in the collection of revenues
derived from foreign commerce, so it seems to me
that it would be equally wise for them to confide
the organization, training, and discipline of the im
perial army to some competent military man to be
taken from the West.

Speaking of this subject with Major-General
Emory Upton, of the United States Army, I have
found him not only entirely agreeing with me in
opinion, but also willing to assume the great task if
he should be required to do so.

Although he is quite a young man, he has at
tained a most conspicuous place by his brilliant
achievements in our late civil war, not less than by
his eminent service as an organizer, tactician, and
disciplinarian. It was through the exercise of these
powers that he has been called a year ago to be the
superintendent of our only national Military Acad
emy at West Point.

Inspired by a high and chivalrous desire to be
useful where his talents can be best employed, he
would resign his present position and engage to
devote himself for five years to the service of the
Chinese Government in the capacity I have indi
cated, with the consent of our own Government,
and on the application of the Government of China.

286 Emory Upton.

This suggestion is made to you by myself through
the permission of the President of the United States
and with his favor.

If in your judgment the suggestion seems a
practicable one, and you know no reason to the
contrary, will you in your own way lay it before
Prince Kung for the consideration of the Chinese
Government ?

I think it proper to add that inasmuch as the
preceding proposal would involve not merely the
sacrifice of one of the highest positions of the
United States Army, but also its ultimate advan
tage for life, General Upton would expect an in
demnity for those losses. Such an indemnity, I
think, would require a sum not less than $150,000,
to be paid in hand, together with an annual com
pensation and salary for five years sufficient for
his maintenance in the rank to be assigned to him.

I am, my dear Mr. Low, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

A careful investigation of the political and so
cial condition of China soon demonstrated, how
ever, that the time was not yet ripe for this great
change to be effected. The following letter from
the American minister, written to one of General
Upton's friends, gives his conclusions, which had
been officially communicated in more formal lan
guage :
PEKING, February 29, 1872.

In further answer to your note of the 28th of Oc
tober, regarding the feasibility of procuring from

Foreign Military Observations. 287

the Chinese Government a position for General
Upton as " instructor in the art of war/' I have to
say that I can give small encouragement that such
a thing is probable or possible at the present time.

That you may the better understand my rea
sons for this opinion, some facts in regard to the
present organization of the Chinese military forces
may be useful.

With the exception of the troops immediately
in and about Peking, the military forces of the em
pire are made up of separate armies that have been
raised and organized by, and are practically under
the control of, the several high provincial officers —
each viceroy being held responsible by the Impe
rial Government for a suitable quota of troops to
maintain order within his own jurisdiction, and, in
case of extreme emergency, to help suppress insur
rection or repel invasion in other provinces. Theo
retically, all the officers are directly the appointees
of the emperor ; practically, they are selected by
the several viceroys whose nominations are simply
approved by the central government.

At the present time all the foreigners employed
in instructing troops in the art of war are subject
to provincial authority and control. They are little
better in point of rank and position than " drill-
sergeants," a position which, if not degrading, can
not be considered honorable. Even General Ward
and Colonel Gordon, who were employed to as
sist in putting down the Taeping rebellion, were
engaged and paid by the viceroy at Nanking,
although the Central Government gave to them a
tacit but not real imperial position.

288 Emory Upton.

The arsenals at Shanghai, Foochow, Nanking,
and Tientsin are exclusively under provincial con
trol, and the gunboats that have been built at those
places and are now in commission are essentially
under the control of the viceroys within whose
jurisdiction they were built.

For more full particulars as to the almost com
plete independence of the provinces, I beg to refer
you to a dispatch of mine to the State Department
(No. 40, of January 10, 1871).

In view of this state of things there does not
seem to be any chance, at present, to secure for
General Upton a position that I could approve or
that he would accept, nor do I think that there is
the least chance for the better until the emperor
shall have attained his majority and assumed his
proper functions as sovereign de facto. He may
then give his attention to reorganizing the military
forces, for the purpose of creating (what there is
now only in name) an imperial army.

Should such a move be made (which is not im
possible), there would then be an opportunity for
an officer like General Upton to occupy a position
that would be respectable for himself and useful to
the Chinese Government.

I note what Governor Seward says in his note
about the monetary indemnity that would be prop
er as an equivalent for abandoning the position the
general now holds in our army ; and, while I can
not say that the sum named would be extravagant,
it may be doubted whether it would, in any event,
be possible to get this Government to accede to
such terms. This, however, is not important, for,

Foreign Military Observations. 289

until there is some change for the better in the
general status of things here, the whole thing is im
practicable.

This matter has been maturely considered in all
its bearings, in the hope that some means could be
devised by which I could see my way clear to
gratify General Upton's ambition, do a favor to the
Chinese Government and people, increase our in
fluence, and at the same time gratify the personal
desires of the President and yourself. I regret that
I am forced to the opposite conclusion for the rea
sons herein stated, and many others no less sound
in my opinion. I have written this with entire
frankness and freedom, believing that the general,
as well as yourself, would rather know the exact
position than to have me hold out hopes that will
be likely to prove delusive.

When the emperor assumes the reins of power,
I shall not fail (provided I am still here) to keep
this matter in remembrance ; nor will any effort be
spared to bring about a state of affairs which would
justify an officer of General Upton's character and
ability accepting a military position under the Gov
ernment. I shall inclose a copy of this to General
Upton»

The result, however, was of great professional
benefit to General Upton, for he had, with his usual
vigor and earnestness, set himself to study the ne
cessities of China, and had thought out in an or
derly way the proper methods of procedure, in
case he should be called upon to attack the prob
lem ; so that when some years afterward he visited
13

290 Emory Upton.

China in a professional capacity at the head of a
military commission, and the matter was again
brought to his attention by Mr. Shepherd, our con
sul at Tientsin, he wrote out the following plan
while he was very much engaged in his laborious
duties, and sent it with an explanatory letter, at the
same time expressing his readiness to undertake its
management :

SHANGHAI, October 28, 1876.

MY DEAR MR. SHEPHERD : In pursuance of your
suggestion, I send you a plan of a Military Academy
for China. It is, of course, but an outline of the
main features of such an institution, the details
being too numerous to mention. I have thought
much of the subject since seeing you, and the more
I have observed the condition of the Chinese army
the more convinced I am that nothing but a mili
tary academy can grapple with the difficulty of dis
ciplining the fine material she has, and which I
hardly need tell you lies in her officers. No half
way measures will suffice. The thoroughness of
West Point is required, and, under the system I
have indicated, it can be attained. ... I am told
that there are probably from three to four hundred
boys between the ages of seventeen and twenty-one
who know sufficient English to begin the course of
study. But, if not, the invitation of the Govern
ment to boys to present themselves for examination,
with the promise of a military education if success
ful, would stimulate such a number to make the
effort that the four classes to pursue the course in
English could easily be selected. . . .

I have already spoken to you in regard to my

Foreign Military Observations. 291

terms, which may seem large, but in return I can
help to save China millions, and perhaps strengthen
her for a conflict already impending. But large a"s
they are, they would be no temptation to me to quit
our service without the assurance that I could give
to China a fine institution. I can not afford to make
a failure ; and therefore, should you not be able, in
the event they want the academy, to secure to me
the management of the course of study, and the dis
cipline, I would not take service at any price. . . .
1 would like to help China forward in the way of
progress, and, should she summon me to her serv
ice, I will give to her ten of the best years of my life.

Plan for a Military Academy for China.

In view of the powerful and encroaching nations
of Russia on the North and England on the West,
also of Japan ambitious in the East, the great want
of China is an army of not less than one hundred
and fifty thousand men, organized and equipped
like the armies of America and Europe, and, above
all, commanded by officers thoroughly trained in
discipline, tactics, and the art of war.

To attain this end a military academy should at
once be established, based upon the model of the
United States Military Academy at West Point,
which is renowned throughout the world, and the
chief excellence of which lies in giving a uniform
education to the officers of infantry, cavalry, artil
lery, and the staff corps.

The duties of army officers are so varied that a
high standard of education and training must be
required.

2 92 Emory Upton.

The engineer officer, who builds forts, makes
maps, improves the navigation of rivers, erects
levees, builds bridges, and deals with all kinds of
constructions in building materials, must have a
knowledge of all the principles of civil and military
engineering, and of the sciences on which the appli
cation of these principles depends.

The artillery-officer must know how to make
cannon, small-arms, powder, and ammunition, so as
to be able to superintend the erection of arsenals
and the manufacture of munitions of war. He must
also be familiar with the theory and practice of ar
tillery, so that on the field of battle he may com
mand his guns to the greatest advantage.

The officers of infantry and cavalry, in common
with those of the artillery and engineers, must be
familiar with the tactics of all the arms, and, as
emergencies constantly require them to assume the
duties of officers of artillery and engineers, they
should evidently pursue with them the same course
of study.

The above considerations indicate a combina
tion of scientific and military education as the true
course of training for an army officer.

Assuming that the cadet or student has a com
petent knowledge of the language in which the
books are written at the date of his admission, his
military education may be completed in four years,
as follows :

The first year: To be devoted to the study of
algebra (arithmetic if necessary), geometry, trigo
nometry, descriptive geometry, and one language,
English or French, preferably English. The mili-

Foreign Military Observations. 293

tary education of the first year to consist in prac
tical instruction in infantry tactics, involving the
training- of each cadet as a recruit, manual of the
piece, field-artillery, police of quarters, guard duty.

The second year : To analytical geometry, de
scriptive geometry, perspective, calculus, topograph
ical and mechanical drawing, military instruction,
riding (school of the trooper) ; infantry tactics,
school of the company and battalion ; artillery,
manual of the piece of mounted battery.

Third year: Analytical mechanics, optics, acous
tics, astronomy, chemistry, electrics, geology, and
mineralogy. Military instruction : drill in infantry
tactics, military signaling ; riding, school of the
platoon ; artillery, manoeuvres of heavy siege and
sea-coast guns, and how to mount and dismount
them.

Fourth year: Civil and military engineering,
strategy, tactics, grand tactics (how to move large
masses of men on the battle-field), strategy, or how
to move large masses of men when not in sight of
the enemy ; military drawing, fortifications, etc. ;
international and military law, and theory of artil
lery. Military course : construction of fortifications,
mines, trenches, fascines, gabions ; artillery, infant
ry, and cavalry drills in the highest schools.

The above is the course to be pursued to secure
the best and most permanent results ; but it could
be so modified as to permit officers of infantry and
cavalry to graduate in three years, and artillery
and engineers in four years.

Each year the cadets should be encamped for
two months to give them mental relaxation after ten

294 Emory Upton.

months of study ; also to teach them the practical
duties of camp-life, such as police, guard, target-
practice, etc.

The age of cadets at date of admission to be
from seventeen to twenty-one. Between these
limits the mind is in a molding condition, and can
best be trained in studies and discipline. To com
mand with success one must first learn to obey, and
military obedience, the most exacting and necessary
of all, is a habit which can not be acquired in less
than three or four years.

After mentioning in detail the officers necessary
for the academy, Upton gives in general terms their
respective duties. Then follows a list of buildings
and the material required for the proper accommo
dation and instruction of the cadets, all of which are
found in the model Academy at West Point, which
has served as his type and basis. He then proceeds
as follows :

To inaugurate the system of military and scien
tific education, I would respectfully recommend
that the superintendent of the academy be an officer
of high rank in the Chinese service. He and his
staff would be responsible for the construction of
the buildings, procurement of supplies, instruments,
etc.

The commandant of cadets, his four assistants,
the nine professors and instructors, should be se
lected from experienced officers of the American
Army.

In consideration of the fact that few, if any,

Foreign Military Observations. 295

scientific books used in military education have as
yet been translated into Chinese, I would recom
mend that for the first six years the studies be pur
sued in English. This would enable the Chinese
student to acquire an exact knowledge of each
study. In the mean time the entire course could
be translated into Chinese ; the American profess
ors would have mastered sufficient Chinese to su
perintend recitations, and the classes graduating
at the end of the fourth, fifth, and sixth years would
furnish Chinese professors and instructors, who, un
der the guidance of the American professors, would
gradually supersede them and be able to assume
all of their responsibilities. The class entering the
fourth year, and all classes thereafter, would pur
sue all of these studies in Chinese, and be able to
master them as thoroughly under native professors
as did the latter under American professors. The
advantages arising from teaching the first gradu
ates in English would not only be apparent in
supplying able native professors and instructors,
but they would also appear in opening to all of
these classes the entire field of foreign or modern
science, military history, strategy, and the art of
war. The graduates, too, would be available as
translators of books of science and as interpret
ers, and could thus keep their government not
only informed of military progress and achieve,
ments abroad, but also assist it in foreign diplomacy
at home.

In starting the academy on the English plan,
one year might be gained while the buildings are
in process of erection, by selecting fifty or more

296 Emory Upton.

cadets who already know English, and, if they are
not to be found in China, that number might be
ordered back from America. These cadets could
be started on the course the moment the plan of the
academy is resolved upon, and would be the first
class to graduate. At the same time they begin
the regular academic course, one hundred and fifty
or two hundred candidates for admission could be
gin the study of English, and such of these as at the
end of the year had made sufficient progress to be
gin the academic course would constitute the sec
ond class. Two more classes would have to be pre
pared in this way, after which, as before stated, all
other classes would study in Chinese.

To insure the success of the academy, the cadets
should receive sufficient salary, board, clothes, and
be supplied with books, lights, fuel, and should be
enabled to save enough to purchase an officer's
equipment on graduation. Besides, they should
also upon graduation be entitled to a commission
in the army, with sufficient salary to insure them
an honorable and useful life. Without such induce
ments, which are offered to armies abroad, cadets
or students would not subject themselves to the
severities and hardships of military training.

The above plan contemplates the establishment
of a military institution as thorough and permanent
in its results and influence as the Academy of West
Point, which I would guarantee within ten years,
provided the course of instruction and discipline
for the first six years were left entirely in the hands
of the American commandant and professors. Dur
ing the remaining four years the academy would

Foreign Military Observations. 297

gradually be turned over to the management of the
native authorities, it being understood from the be
ginning that all expenditures should be controlled
by the Chinese superintendent. The results of the
academy as proposed may appear too remote ; but
in connection with the academy a camp of instruc
tion might be established, and a brigade, division,
or even a corps d arme'e, might be organized with
modern arms, tactics, etc. These troops, as soon
as organized and drilled (which could be done
under the supervision of the American officers se
lected from the Academy), could be sent wherever
their services are required, and others take their
place ; or, with an enlistment of five years, all re
cruits could be sent to the camp of instruction,
where they could be trained, drilled, taught the
bayonet exercise and target-practice, and then be
sent to their regiments.

A year would suffice to organize any command
as a division or corps, and impart to it a sufficient
amount of instruction to enable it to fight with suc
cess under good officers.

A camp of instruction for recruits would have
also this advantage, that cadets after having learned
the tactics and principles of discipline could be
used as instructors, thus giving the troops the bene
fit of their knowledge, and also giving the cadets
experience in commanding men even before their
graduation. The war in America proved conclu
sively that a graduate fresh from the Academy was
able to command a regiment, and many who had
the opportunity were soon after made generals of
brigade and division. Such also will be the expe-

298 Emory Upton.

rience of China if in the wisdom of her rulers she
shall establish a similar institution.

General Upton while at West Point turned his
thoughts often to the condition of military affairs in
Europe and Asia, and had many a written and per
sonal conference with General Sherman after the
latter had returned from his military tour abroad.

From these frequent consultations he found that
the General of the Army would gladly extend his
personal and official influence to enable him to
make an extended tour around the world, so that
he might, by personal study and observation, make
himself familiar with matters connected with his
profession, as they existed among the most promi
nent nations of the world. He intended to apply
for a year's leave of absence, in order to gain this
important addition to his professional knowledge ;
but on the occasion of a visit to Washington early
in October, 1874, after he had had a long conversa
tion with the Secretary of War in regard to the affairs
of the Military Academy, in which the Secretary
took a deep personal interest, he learned that there
was every disposition on the part of the authorities
to give him the advantage of an official tour. By this
means the avenues to the information which he was
desirous of obtaining could be the more readily
opened, and the Government could in return get
the benefit of his observations, for use in the army.
The whole matter soon took definite shape, and it
was finally determined to associate with him two
other officers, one of the cavalry and the other of
the artillery arm of the service. These were Gen-

Foreign Military Observations. 299

eral George A. Forsyth, major of the Ninth Caval
ry, and Major Joseph P. Sanger, captain First Ar
tillery. Both were exceedingly capable officers, had
seen hard service during the civil war, and had been
noted for their devotion to duty and skill in their
respective corps.

The order constituting the commission was is
sued June 23, 1875, and, as it outlined the duties and
controlled General Upton's movements for the suc
ceeding eighteen months, it is here inserted :

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, June 23, 1875.

GENERAL : On or about June 3Oth next you will
be relieved from the Military Academy.

Upon being so relieved, it is desired that you pro
ceed to San Francisco, California, visiting on the
route to that city Salt Lake City, the mines ol Neva
da, and the Yosemite Valley ; that on or about August
ist you sail from San Francisco for Japan and China.
On reaching Canton in China you will proceed, via
Singapore, to Calcutta ; thence up the valley of the
Ganges to Peshawer, and thence to the Russian pos
sessions at Tashkend, by the most practicable route.

Should it, however, be found impracticable to
proceed to the Russian possessions from Peshawer,
you will select the most feasible route that will en
able you to reach Europe. Having arrived in Eu
rope, you are required to visit the camps of instruc
tion and military schools of Italy, Germany, Aus
tria, Russia, France, and England, and thence return
to the United States.

The professional object of this order is to en
able you to examine and report upon the organiza-

300 Emory Upton.

tion, tactics, discipline, and the manoeuvres, of the
armies along the route mentioned, and in Germany
the special examination of the schools for the in
struction of officers, in strategy, grand tactics, ap
plied tactics, and the higher duties in the art of
Avar, and the collection and compilation of such
other information as might naturally be expected
to be of utility to this Government.

During your absence upon this duty, which
shall not exceed eighteen months, you will report
as nearly monthly as practicable your address to
the Adjutant-General ; and on your return wTill
make a full, detailed written report to the Secre
tary of War upon all the subjects mentioned in this
communication. . . .

You will report to General Sherman for further
instructions if he desires to give you any ; and you
will be accompanied by Major George A. Forsyth,
Ninth Cavalry, and by Captain J. P. Sanger, First
Artillery, who have been detailed for that purpose.
Yours very respectfully,

WILLIAM W. BELKNAP,

Secretary of War.

Upon reporting to General Sherman, the latter
addressed him the following characteristic, soldier
ly, and friendly letter :

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,
ST. Louis, Mo., July 12, 1875.

GENERAL EMORY UPTON,

United States Army, present.
DEAR GENERAL : I have read with pleasure the
letter of instructions to you by the Secretary of

Foreign Military Observations. 301

War, and congratulate you and your associates on
having an opportunity such as has never, in my
recollection, been enjoyed by any officers of the
army at any former period of our history. I know
that you will profit by it, and only to suggest a few
thoughts will I venture to use that part of the letter
of the Secretary which requires you to report to
me.

You and I have already had much correspond
ence — mostly private — on this very contemplated
tour of the world, so that I think we mutually un
derstand each other. You know that, about four
years ago, I traveled up the Mediterranean and
Black Seas to Tiflis, the capital of the Russian Cau
casus. Naturally I would like to have you ap
proach Europe by that gateway. The objects of
interest in Japan and China seem to me to have
been well examined and reported on by modern
travelers. In like manner, the armies, forts, gar
risons, and camps of Europe seem to me to have
been studied by American officers and authors until
we know all that seems applicable to our system of
government and people ; but Asia, especially India,
Afghanistan, Persia, Khokand, Bokhara, Turkistan,
etc. — the lands whence came our civilization, whence
came the armies of Xerxes, Genghis Khan, etc. — re
main to us, in America, almost a sealed book, though
we know that the reflux tide of civilization is setting
back from Europe to those very lands. England
and Russia are the two great powers that are now
engaged in the work, and you can not devote too
much time and study to the systems of military
government by which these nations utilize the peo-

302 Emory Upton.

pie and resources of interior Asia. I therefore ad
vise you to spend as much time as possible in Cal
cutta and India ; cultivate the acquaintance of the
officers, civil and military ; ascertain how a small
force of British troops, aided by the native troops,
govern two hundred million people ; notice how
they quarter, feed, and maintain their men, and
transport them in peace and war ; then make up
your mind how to reach the Caspian Sea, preferably
all the way by land.

There are several routes : the one I would prefer
is from Peshawer through the famed Khyber Pass
to Cabool ; thence to Herat, to Teheran, around the
lower end of the Caspian Sea to Tabreez and Mount
Ararat. From Tabreez I know you will have no
trouble to reach Tiflis, where you meet a highly
civilized and refined people, with railroad to the
Black Sea, where you will have choice of routes by
steamer to Odessa or Constantinople. Another
route of equal interest would be from Peshawer
across the Hindoo-Koosh to Bokhara, Khiva, and
the Caspian.

Either of these routes will enable you to see the
nomadic nations of Central Asia, who are far from
being barbarous, but hold themselves as the most
cultivated people on earth. Their customs, habits,
laws, and rules of morality date far behind the his
tory of Christianity ; and I doubt not a sojourn
among them will give you much knowledge that
will be useful to us as we come to people the inte
rior of America.

Should, however, neither of these routes be
practicable, you can go by rail to Bombay, and take

Foreign Military Observations. 303

steamer to the Persian Gulf, and thence cross over
to the Mediterranean at Smyrna, or to the Black
Sea at Trebizond, whence steamers will convey you
to the more agreeable and more familiar routes of
Europe.

I will watch your progress with intense interest,
and will be pleased to hear from you at any time at
your own convenience ; and, when you return, I
shall welcome you back, and do all that is in my
power to enable you to record your observations
and publish them for our common instruction and
entertainment.

With great respect, your friend,

W. T. SHERMAN, General.

General Sherman also, with his usual hearty
generosity and kindly feeling, wrote personal letters
of introduction, commending his brother officers to
the Governor-General of India, to the Grand Duke
Nicholas at Tiflis, in the Caucasus, and to other offi
cials and friends, bespeaking for them every courte
sy and assistance. With these and the properly ac
credited official documents they set off well equipped
for their tour around the world.

For the purposes of this memoir, extracts from
General Upton's letters, written to various members
of his family and relatives, will give a brief outline
of his journey, and a much better view of his per
sonal impressions and thoughts than any compila
tion of them could possibly do. For these reasons,
then, we have culled from his letters those bits that
serve to reflect him as a man as he journeyed among
the nations of Asia and Europe:

304 Emory Upton.

(Extracts.)

SAN FRANCISCO, July 27, 1875.

The morning of the 2oth we crossed the Sierra
Nevada. The train stopped five minutes at Cape
Horn, which is said to be a precipice four thousand
feet high, but which my experience in the Yosemite
did not confirm. The view, however, was very
fine. At Dutch Flats, on the very top of the mount
ains, we saw the effect of hydraulic mining for gold.
For miles the tops of the hills had been washed off,
often to a depth of two hundred and fifty feet.
This is done by conducting water for a long dis
tance in pipes with such a head that Avhen the water
is thrown against the face of a hill, sand, gravel, and
bowlders fly in every direction. The dislodged
earth is then conducted through troughs of water
where the gold settles and is collected. The de
scent of the mountains was rapid, and we soon
found ourselves in the Sacramento Valley, which is
broad and flat as far as the eye can extend. The
valley was very dry, and made picturesque only by
the live-oaks which are scattered over its surface.

The night of the 2oth we spent at Merced, in the
San Joaquin Valley. This is the great wheat-re
gion of California. With one summer fallow they
manage to get two crops, the first being put in as
in the East. The second is called a volunteer crop,
which is put in by simply harrowing the stubble of
the first crop, the shelled wheat furnishing the seed.
The wheat-fields cover thousands of acres. The
harvesting is done by a machine called a " header,"
which merely clips the heads, that are afterward

Foreign Military Observations. 305

threshed. These machines Avill cut from twenty-
five to fifty acres per day.

The morning of the 2oth we took outside seats
on the stage for the Yosemite ; the night we spent
at Clarke's ranch, at the Big Tree Station.

The morning of the 2ist we took horses, and
rode over to the Mariposa group of big trees.
These were all they had been represented. The
Grizzly Giant was one hundred and two feet in cir
cumference, or about thirty three feet in diameter.
One limb was estimated to be eight feet in diame
ter, or twenty-four feet in circumference. The
trees are about three hundred feet high, and as
straight as arrows. By the side of them pines one
hundred feet high look like riding-whips. Perhaps
a better idea of their size will be conveyed by
stating that we rode on horseback through the hol
low of one which was lying down, and also through
the roots of one which had been partially burned
out standing.

In a portion of one of the standing trees which
had been burned out we concealed our four horses,
and there was room for four more. Hidden in the
tree we could have charged any unwary foe that
might have crossed our path. There were about
one hundred trees in the Mariposa group, most of
them in fine preservation. Their age is supposed
to be between four and five thousand years.

Returning to Clarke's, we took an open carriage
for the valley, twenty-three miles off, where we ar
rived about six o'clock in the afternoon.

This valley was undoubtedly formed by an
earthquake, which, in rending the mountains, made

306 Emory Upton.

a chasm seven miles long and many thousand feet
deep. This chasm has gradually filled up by falling
rock, until the bottom of the valley is now within
four or five thousand feet of the top, the width be
ing about a mile. On our left, as we entered the
valley, stood El Capitan, a perpendicular mass of
granite thirty-one hundred feet high. On our right
were the " Three Graces," thirty-seven hundred feet
high. A little farther on our right was the Bridal
Veil Fall, nine hundred and forty feet. As its wa
ters dashed into spray, the rainbow-colors played
in masses of red, pink, and golden light, blending
beauty and grandeur in a harmony enchanting to
the soul. We passed the night at the Yosemite
Hotel, and on Friday morning we took horses and
guides and rode to Mirror Lake. In this little
sheet of water, three acres in extent, embosomed in
a mighty amphitheatre, are reflected, as in a mirror,
the almost vertical wall of South Dome, five thou
sand feet high ; Cloud's Rest, six thousand four
hundred and fifty feet ; North Dome, thirty-seven
hundred feet ; and Glacier Point, thirty-two hun
dred feet. As we stood on its western edge, the
sun rose, gilding the peaks with streaks of gold,
which, with softened effect, were reproduced in the
placid lake. From the opposite side of the lake the
pale moon, still hovering over the valley, as if loath
to quit the scene, reflected its silver image in the
water. It seemed as if the mirror were held in
God's own hand, that we might doubly admire his
marvelous works.

Quitting the lake, which will ever be a gem of
recollection, we returned to breakfast, and then

Foreign Military Observations. 307

rode to the Yosemite Falls, the first of which is six
teen hundred feet, the second six hundred, the third
four hundred feet. At the base of the third we
could look up and see, apparently, one fall of
twenty-six hundred feet. The effect of all this
grandeur can not be described. One must visit the
valley to realize it. In the afternoon we started for
Snow's, who, with great labor, has built a house on
the plateau, between the Vernal and Nevada Falls.
The canon was inexpressibly wild. Arriving near
the foot of the Vernal Falls, four hundred feet, we
left the horses, and toiled up a rugged path to the
summit, near which we found Snow's house, which
was, indeed, founded on a rock. Immediately above
the house was the Nevada Fall, seven hundred feet
high. Here we again found ourselves in a vast am
phitheatre. Taking my seat among the rocks at
the base of the Nevada, I watched the beautiful,
ever-varying colors of the rainbow until the sun
went down, when I returned to the house. Near
by they showed me where a rock weighing thou
sands of tons fell during the earthquake three or
four years ago. A hundred people were dining at
the time, most of whom fled with precipitation as
soon as the clouds of dust permitted them to grope
their way. High upon the face of the Cap of Lib
erty a white patch marks the place from which the
rock fell, breaking itself into atoms as it reached
the valley below. The next morning, July 24th, we
took horses and climbed the mountain to Glacier
Point, which overlooks the entire valley. From its
summit projected a rock about the size of a dining-
table. Creeping on all-fours, I reached the very

308 Emory Upton.

edge, and, peering cautiously over, I found myself
looking1 down a precipice thirty-four hundred feet,
or twice the height of Cro' Nest at West Point.
Had I fallen I would not have struck the rock
within two thousand feet, while what would have
remained of me would have been found thirty-four
hundred feet below. The Merced River meandered,
like a silver thread, at our feet. To our right were
the Vernal and Nevada Falls, in front were the
North and South Domes. To the left were Yosemi-
te Falls, and still farther El Capitan, like a mighty
sentinel, guarded the approach to the valley.

From Glacier Point we went to Sentinel Dome,
forty-five hundred feet high. Here we had our last
view of the valley, while beyond the Sierra Ne-
vadas were spread out like a panorama.

From here we went to Clarke's ranch, and on
Monday, the 26th, arrived in San Francisco. The
city resembles Chicago, both in its people and the
character of its buildings. The climate is a phe
nomenon. The day before our arrival, while riding
comfortably on the outside of the stage, the ther
mometer was 106° in the shade. The air was so
dry and pure, and the evaporation so rapid, that
there seemed to be no tendency to perspire. On
arriving at Oakland and San Francisco all was
changed. Ladies were seen in furs, and gentlemen
were wearing beaver overcoats. Every morning,
at this season, heavy fogs hang over the city, which
clear away about 10 A. M. The rest of the day the
sun shines brightly, the temperature being comfort
able most of the time for a spring overcoat. In fact,
people here say that the summer is apparently

Foreign Military Observations. 309

colder than the winter, and therefore they wear the
same upper and under clothing the year round.

GREAT REPUBLIC,
LATITUDE 36° 30' NORTH, LONGITUDE 178° EAST,

Aiigust 15, 1875.

Thirteen days at sea, and yet only in mid-ocean.
This will give you some feeble conception of the
immense area of the Pacific. I wish you could see
our beautiful ship as she moves majestically over
the waters. While there is always a heavy swell,
we have had nothing approaching a rough sea.
The time is passing rapidly and pleasantly. When
we came on board we appropriated twenty-four
days to the voyage, and now, in this floating city
we pass the time as we would at any place where
we had resolved to spend a month. I have never
seen anything like our present experience in travel.
It is like the Fifth Avenue Hotel launched on a tour
around the world. Our table is delicious. We
have had no excitement except yesterday morning,
when a ship in distress signaled us. We immedi
ately lay-to, wrhen an officer came on board and an
nounced the fact that, having been out for sixty
days from the Feejee Islands to San Francisco, the
vessel was out of provisions. They were not, how
ever, in danger of immediate starvation, as we found
out that the cargo was composed of oranges and
cocoanuts. In my portfolio there is a letter from
— on the subject of China. That dream, as I ap
proach the Flowrery Kingdom, loses none of its en
chantment. I am still open to propositions from the
Celestials, but shall not accept any which do not
promise a fortune. The fact is, I have been very

310 Emory Upton.

anxious to have Mr. Stewart endow a national uni
versity, on the principle of West Point, with the
munificent sum of ten millions, but I have now con
cluded that I would like to make that sum, and then
establish the institution myself. There are, it is
true, some difficulties in the way, but, after having
organized a large imperial army, I may be able to
convince Prince Kung that railroads will be neces
sary to transport troops, suggest to him that my
large experience in riding on railroads will enable
me to build them, and thus find myself a railroad
king as well as a military mandarin of high rank.
If successful in this part of my programme, I feel
sure we shall have a national university.

STEAMER GREAT REPUBLIC,
LATITUDE 36° 3', LONGITUDE 180°,
Attgust 16, 1875.

The full moon looks down benignantly upon our
floating palace as she glides slowly over the calm
Pacific. To-day is our fourteenth at sea, yet no one
seems ennuied. We have all settled down to pass
so long a time on board, and for aught I see the
days come and go as rapidly afloat as on shore. 1
am using every moment of my time either studying
French, or else reading up the history, manners, and
customs of the countries we are to visit.

We have only two ladies, one the wife of an offi
cer of the navy, and the other the wife of a citizen.
The latter is, in my judgment, not the loveliest of
her sex, but seems to be an impulsive, warm-hearted
creature, one moment all smiles, and even boister
ous in her mirth, the next pouting and humbling
her husband, who bears her freaks with patient

Foreign Military Observations. 3 1 1

resignation, knowing that in a moment the cloud
will be dissipated, and that, regardless of company,
she will smother him with ill-timed caresses. Each
lady has her child ; each child is a son, and each
son has for a nurse his devoted father. I have
never known children to be so well cared for. They
live on condensed milk, and laugh and crow lustily
from morning till night. A little girl, ten years old,
daughter of the new consul at Canton, is the belle
of the vessel. Navy officers, army officers, cosmo
politans, globe-trotters, all pay her attention and
promenade with her with as much apparent pleas
ure as with a young lady of twenty years.

To-night will occur a painful event in the history
of every passenger on board, for, as we shall cross
the one hundred and eightieth meridian from Green
wich, we are to drop a day. Tuesday, the i;th of
August, we are to drop from our calendar. We go
to bed Monday, the i6th, and wake up on Wednes
day, the 1 8th. Were we sailing the other way, we
should have had two Tuesdays.

LATITUDE 35° 15' NORTH, LONGITUDE 158° EAST
August 22, 1875.

This is our last Sunday on the calm Pacific.
The day has been almost as beautiful as with you
on the Owasco. I have made the day one of rest
so far as intermitting my ordinary reading, but
other reading has engaged my attention. As we
are going to the lands of dense populations, it is
necessary to read up the different religions, so to
day I have looked into Buddhism, Confucianism,
and then into Christianity, as presented in the cy-

312 Emory Upton.

clopaedia. To the latter the soul returns and finds
rest and peace. To-day I have been deeply im
pressed by the relation of our Saviour to the world
as the uniting link between the human and the di
vine, making through the indwelling of his Holy
Spirit our bodies the real temples of the Holy
Ghost.

The Great Republic loses none of its attractions
on a longer acquaintance. Last night Captain Cobb
invited us to make the inspection with him. The
ship was in perfect order and a model of neatness.
The kitchen was particularly to be commended.
In this large city the one hundred sailors and two
hundred and seventy-five Chinamen never come in
our way. We may go into their quarters, but they
can not come into ours.

YEDDO, September 7, 1875.

As we are to observe military affairs rather than
spend our time sight-seeing, we lost no time in
crossing to Yeddo, where we arrived on Monday,
August 3Oth. We laid our papers before Mr.
Bingham immediately, but not until Thursday did
he communicate with the Minister of War, who ap
pointed Sunday as the day of our reception. I did
not like this, but of course went, and had a very
agreeable interview, an interpreter serving as a
medium of communication. He appointed Wednes
day as the day on which the troops would be re
viewed before us, and Tuesday as the day on which
a Japanese general would disclose the organization
of their army. The poor man came this morning,
and we had satisfaction for all our delay, for we
kept him six hours and tortured him with questions

Foreign Military Observations. 313

which would have puzzled a " Herald " interviewer.
Application has been made for presentation to the
Mikado, but between Japanese Sundays, every fifth
day, and official circumlocution, I fear we will be
on our way to Peking before the pleasure of his
Majesty is known.

We have been treated with great kindness by all
of the American residents, who invite all three of
us and many friends to meet us at tiffins and dinners
and other entertainments, but all this consumes
time, which is precious when so much is to be
seen.

The Japanese people I like exceedingly, and so
do all who associate with them. They are polite,
affable, light-hearted, gay, and affectionate, and,
while sunk in many of the vices of heathenism, have
nevertheless some of the nobler traits of Christian
character. Children are never scolded, and from
the infant to the aged all seem to be happy.

A few days since I went to the Temple of Asa-
kura, and there saw the people cast their gifts into
the treasury, and then go and kneel down to wood
and stone, the work of men's hands. The god of
pain, a wooden image, had lost nearly all of his
features by the rubbing he had received in the hope
that to touch the image in the part corresponding
to the part of the body affected, and then apply the
touch to the diseased part, would insure relief. It
was a sad sight, but I can not believe it will continue
long. I have seen evidences of depravity too re
volting to be mentioned, which nothing but God's
power can arrest. The religion of love and the
hope of eternal life through the Saviour can alone
14

314 Emory Upton.

awaken the people to a consciousness of their sins
and an amendment of their lives.

Japan is steadily progressing toward stable and
well-regulated government. No reaction is feared,
and the people seem to appreciate many European
manufactures and customs. The Tokido, or main
street, is being rebuilt in European style, and the
stores are full of European articles. For instance,
our umbrella is entirely superseding the flat paper
umbrella; you will see ten of the former to one of
the latter. A Japanese city is expected to be de
stroyed by fire every fifteen years. If Yeddo should
not be an exception, it will shortly look like a West
ern capital. Already it has gas in the streets, and a
stage-line, the sure forerunner of the street-car, is
running on the Tokido. But all this is material
progress, and I feel equally sure spiritual progress
will keep pace. The fullness of time is approaching.
Idols are falling down, superstitions are giving way,
but the human heart endures, and must fix its affec
tions on Him who gave his body a ransom for all.
I am not discouraged ; one needs only to visit a
heathen land to admit the necessity of Christ's mis
sion of peace and good-will toward men.

YEDDO, September 8, 1875.

I am waiting for an officer to come and escort
our party to a grand review, and will improve the
time in sending you a few thoughts.

We are having a delightful time — never better.
Socially we are dined and tiffined (lunched) a little
too much, but a large-hearted generosity makes us
feel that we are welcome. The country is beauti-

Foreign Military Observations. 315

ful ; every landscape is a solace to the eyes. The
people are amiable, and so polite as to make us wish
we could imitate their manners. The servants are
the best. Houses are never locked, trunks can be
left open, jewelry and curios exposed, and neverthe
less nothing will be stolen. It is rather startling to
a foreigner on a hot day to see nothing but bare
heads, bare arms, bare bodies, and bare legs. As
one judges of the density of a crowd by the up
turned faces, you can imagine that this sans-souci
exposure of the person gives to a street the appear
ance of being alive with human beings. You must
not imagine that all of the Japanese go about in this
manner ; many, and by far the great majority, wear
dresses and robes very becoming to them. The
children seem to enjoy the liberty of dress more
than any one else. Up to four and five years old
they run about regardless of appearances. On our
way to the great image Dai-Butsu they stood in
the streets in rows as naked as when they were
born, saluted us with " Ohio ! Ohio ! " and crowed
as lustily as so many young roosters.

September 8, 1875.

Yesterday we had a fatiguing day — a review of
six battalions of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and
three batteries of artillery. The Minister of War
met us on the ground, and, after the review of in
fantry was over, excused himself till we had seen
the artillery, engineers, and arsenal, when he met
us in the garden of the late Prince Mirto, where a
beautiful breakfast was served. There were two
French officers present besides our own party. The

316 Emory Upton.

Vice-Minister of War was of the company. The
house (Japanese) was one hundred and eighty years
old. The grounds were the perfection of landscape-
gardening. In one part was a miniature temple,
representing the oldest temple in the empire, at
Kioto, and a lake, the fac-siniile of a lake in China.
There was also a small Niagara, to which our atten
tion was specially called. The dinner — for such in
fact is every tiffin — was served in French style.
Conversation was not so rapid as when interpreters
are not required, but still we got on very well.
After breakfast (12 M.) we went to the barracks,
hospitals, etc., which surpass anything we have in
America, and then went to Yokohama, where we
three dined with General Van Buren. There were
present the ministers of Italy, Belgium, and Eng
land, so that it might be termed a swell affair.

September 9, 1875.

Military labor and festivities are very exhaust
ing. We sail Saturday for Hiogo, stop over there
a week for the purpose of visiting Osaka and Kioto,
and then go direct to Shanghai and Peking.

HIOGO, September 19, 1875.

Since writing you our party has been to Kioto,
the capital of the Mikado for the last eleven hun
dred years. The city basks in a beautiful valley,
surrounded by mountains which are covered with
Italian verdure. As we looked upon the city from
a lofty pagoda it seemed as if the smile of Heaven
rested upon the plain, teeming with life and anima
tion. We visited several of the large temples, in

Foreign Military Observations. 317

which solemn stillness prevails, only broken when
some worshiper rang a bell to awaken his god. In
one temple there were one thousand distinct gilt
images of Buddha. We sail to-morrow for Naga
saki and Shanghai. All of October will be con
sumed in the tour to Peking, and en route to Hong-
Kong. My health is good, notwithstanding I have
never worked harder.

STEAMER COSTA RICA,
BETWEEN NAGASAKI AND SHANGHAI,
September 23, 1875.

Tuesday morning, at three o'clock, we started
on steamer Costa Rica for Shanghai. The sail to
Nagasaki was the most beautiful I have ever seen.
The Inland Sea is two hundred and eighty miles
long and from four to twelve broad. Its shores are
bounded by mountains from one thousand to seven
thousand feet high, while the sea is studded with
rocks and islands, sometimes two thousand to three
thousand feet above its level. The conical shape
prevails among the islands, many of them resem
bling in grace of outline the sacred Fusiyama.
Many of the peaks are covered with a crown of
verdure, while the slope descends in cultivated ter
races to the base, where nestle the thatched roofs
of villages and hamlets. In the distance we could
frequently see castles perched on rocks, looking
down menacingly upon the cities at their feet. But
the sea can not be described. It is the Hudson,
with its Highlands; the St. Lawrence, with its
Thousand Islands ; Lake George, with its mountain-
peaks, all overspread by an Italian sky, so soothing
that the soul seemed to bathe in rivers of pleasure,

318 Emory Upton.

and to repose in the fields of Elysium. As the
steamer glided through the tortuous channels, each
turn of the wheel gave fresh delight, yet tinged
with regret that the floating scenes of beauty \vere
every moment becoming only themes for recollec
tion, anticipation, enjoyment, remembrance, of ever-
varying and changing views. Such was our voyage
on the Inland Sea.

SHANGHAI, October 24, 1875.

This brick and mud city is the capital of the
province of Chihili, of which Li-Hung Chang, the
most powerful subject of the empire, is the viceroy,
or governor-general. The only object of military
interest is the arsenal, built by an Englishman named
Meadows. It is inclosed by an earthen wall or
parapet for defense, and occupies a mile square.
At present only Remington cartridges, powder, and
shell for cannon of different calibers, are manufact
ured, but machinery for Remington rifles is being
erected.

In visiting any official in China you are invited
into a room, simply furnished with round or square
tables, stools, or mats, and are then invited to take
tea, which is always clear and of the best quality.
This ceremony completed, you can proceed to busi
ness. After our inspection of the arsenal, we were
invited to dine with the quartermaster-general of
the viceroy. Putting on all our war-paint, with
our vice-consul as interpreter, we proceeded within
the walled city, and arrived at his residence at four
o'clock, P. M. The furniture of the dining-room was
the same as I have already described, all the dishes
being served on a round table without a table-cloth.

Foreign Military Observations. 319

We were provided both with chop-sticks and knives
and forks, but the dinner was exclusively Chinese.
The courses were so many, and the dishes so nu
merous, that I can not do better than give you a
bill of fare of a dinner we ordered at a Chinese res
taurant at Peking as the most faithful approach I
can make to a description :

CHINESE DINNER — BILL OF FARE.

First Course. — Tea.

Second Course. — Consisting of fruits and sweet
meats, viz. : lotus-seed fried ; watermelon-seed ; green
dates; prunes; apples dried in honey ; English wal
nuts ; fresh apples ; pears and grapes. This course
remains on the table throughout the dinner.

Third Course. — Shrimps ; Mongolia ham, boiled
and cut up in small slices ; chicken ; wine made of
rice. The wine is served hot in small glasses. Every
time the servant passes it, if any remains in the
glasses, it is poured back into the common reservoir,
and again poured back into the glasses. This is
another instance of Chinese economy.

Fourth Course. — Pickled eggs (these are buried
for years in clay and salt, and undergo a species of
decomposition, making them when exhumed resem
ble a dark gelatinous substance — taste them, " like a
little man ! ") ; pickled lotus-root ; skin of duck's feet
boiled ; pickled sea-weed. Note. — In Chinese cook
ery articles are always pickled in salt, never in vine
gar.

Fifth Course. — This course was preceded by
changing our paper napkins, and consisted of
plover's eggs stewed with shark's fins and clabbered

320 Emory Upton.

milk (delicious) ; duck-kidneys ; sea-weed ; jelly ;
bamboo-shoots.

Sixth Course. — Fish-sinew soup ; mushrooms and
water-chestnuts stewed ; stewed fish ; tripe ; stewed
prawns ; chicken stewed in jelly.

Seventh Course. — Duck smothered in jelly (deli
cious) ; jelly pate; fluid fat-meat hash.

Eighth Course. — Duck-feet-skin stewed ; stewed
mushrooms ; stewed snails. (We bound ourselves
to taste of every dish.)

Ninth Course. — Fish smothered in vinegar and
jelly (good).

Tenth Course. — Meat dumpling ; onion omelette.

Eleventh Course. — Vermicelli-soup.

TwelfthCourse. — Stewed chicken; vegetable soup,
with hashed-meat balls ; pork smothered in flour.

Thirteenth Course. — Rice-soup ; boiled rice ; bul
lock's blood thickened ; salt pickles.

Fourteenth. — We go to another table, and are
served with tea and cigars. — Finis.

The dishes are generally brought in in small
bowls, one or more at a time. Each guest dips his
chop-sticks into the common dish, and eats directly
from it, or transfers what he wants to a small saucer
and then eats. It would be like placing one dish in
the middle of a table, and then each one eating from
it with a fork. The dinner with the quartermaster-
general was interspersed with conversation on guns,
cannon, tactics, army organization, etc. The saki,
or sam-shu, as harmless as boiled milk, flowed freely.
Our amiable host proposed healths often, and after
each one showed us the bottom of his glass. When

Foreign Military Observations. 321

we arose from dinner it was quite dark. Four
soldiers, with lanterns, lighted us home, running
swiftly before our horses.

As we came out into the street an enterprising
reporter of a Chinese paper interviewed us, and I
have no doubt, could we have read his report, we
would have been pleased with his description of the
foreign visitors.

This dinner was only preliminary to another.
At eight o'clock we dined with the officers of the
United States steamer Monocacy. These naval
heroes were rather forlorn over the prospect of
being frozen up for three months in the Peiho.
Since the Tientsin massacres, foreign gunboats stay
at Tientsin summer and winter. We left Tientsin
at 8 A. M., and arrived at the Taku forts, at the
mouth of the river, at 2 p. M. Here we went ashore
to inspect the fortifications. Word had preceded
us, so when we arrived everything was in readiness.
Flags floated upon the parapets of all the forts,
while at the wharf and along the route to the quar
ters of the commanding general no less than a hun
dred banners floated from staffs supported by faith
ful soldiers of the empire. " Terrible as an army
with banners " was our first impression. Neverthe
less, without palpitation we landed, rolled ourselves
into carts, and proceeded along a line of troops. A
battalion of ten companies was paraded, the com
panies presenting arms successively. On approach
ing the sally-port a salute of three guns was fired.
With this we had to be satisfied, as it is the highest
salute in the empire. Troops without arms were
arranged in line in front of the general's quarters,

322 Emory Upton.

who came out, shook his own hands, then shook
ours, and motioned us to enter his quarters. Hav
ing been served with tea, we went to see the fort,
which is of mud or clay, made hard by pounding.
Three or four Krupp guns, mounted upon cavaliers,
overlook all the other guns of the fort. A German,
Mr. L. Meyer, instructs the Chinese in the use of
their muskets. It was in front of these forts, clumsy
as they appear, that three or four English gunboats
were sunk years ago. An attack from the sea-front
was also bloodily repulsed. On another occasion
these forts were taken from the rear, which the
Chinese regarded as a very cowardly proceeding.
After looking at the fort, we had taken our seats for
another Chinese dinner, but the whistle of the
steamer brought our visit to a close. We went
back amid a display of banners, the roar of cannon,
the clangor of trumpets, invited our hosts to Amer
ica, bade them adieu, and, Columbus-like, sailed
fearlessly to sea. Throughout our visit we have
been treated courteously by the authorities. Prince
Kung and the foreign ministers received us three
days after our arrival ; the viceroy and Li-Hung
Chang called on us at the American legation, and
sent his secretary, who goes as associate minister
to England, to receive us at the arsenal and the
Taku forts. From this you can see that our official
experience has been delightful. From here we go
to Hong-Kong, Canton, and Calcutta.

STEAMER KASHGAR, November 13, 1875.
To-day finds us en route from Hong-Kong to
Singapore ; and, as at sea we have plenty of time, I

Foreign Military Observations. 323

must take up the thread of our travels, which was
interrupted at Shanghai. On October 26th I went
up the Yang-tse River as far as Chinkiang, one
hundred and fifty miles from the mouth. At this
point the Grand Canal crosses the river, making
Chinkiang a great commercial center. The river is
muddy like the Mississippi, and at some points is
ten miles wide. At Chinkiang there is little of in
terest, except an iron pagoda, claimed to be seven
teen hundred years old. I saw a few troops, dirty
and ragged, armed with the old smooth-bore mus
ket. The hills around the city are covered with the
graves of the soldiers killed in the Taiping rebel
lion. A conical mound about three feet high marks
each resting-spot. On the side of a sunken road,
one of the coffins projected.- Upon it the surviv
ing friends sometimes place rice for the deceased.
After his spirit is refreshed, beggars, and even dogs,
eat what is left. I returned to Shanghai on the
28th, and on the 2Qth took the beautiful steamer
Ava, of the French Messagerie, for Hong-Kong,
where we arrived Monday, the ist, at 6 A. M. The
voyage was pleasant, though somewhat rough.
For the first time, since leaving San Francisco, we
were compelled to use racks at the table. On No
vember ist we visited our consul, Mr. Bailey, and
arranged to call upon the governor, and General
Colborne, commanding the forces. The governor
was too ill to receive us, but we had a pleasant in
terview with the general, who invited us to tiffin
the next day — a pleasant occasion, at which we met
several officers of the Eightieth Regiment. Wednes
day, November 3d, we took the steamer for Can-

324 Emory Upton.

ton, arriving there at 3 P. M. Mr. Geary gave me
a letter to his house at Canton, where all three of
us were entertained by Mr. Talbot.

November fth. — We visited in the morning sev
eral curio-shops, where no end of beautiful objects
were presented for purchase. The china-shops were
particularly fascinating. In the afternoon we vis
ited the arsenal, and saw them making guns of
varied descriptions, among them breech-loading
Spencer and Remington rifles, six or more feet
long, with a caliber of one inch. On visiting the
house of the superintendent, we saw for an instant
his three wives, who were gaudily painted. He
offered us wine, and seemed pleased that we had
come to admire his works.

On our return we visited the Honan Temple,
where, among other things, they keep sacred pigs,
so fat that they can scarcely walk. In one of the
priest's rooms was a sewing-machine, an evidence
that foreign improvements are gradually being in
troduced.

November 5th. — We visited the house of a wealthy
Chinese merchant. It was very large, and had many
reception-rooms, most of them being furnished with
black-wood, marble-top tables, and chairs. The par
titions were frequently of carved wood and stained
glass. The ladies' apartment we were not permitted
to see. From the house we went to the military
examinations, which consisted of tests in archery.

The Temple of Horrors is another place of in
terest. It is open to the people, who are permitted
to see the different forms of punishment adminis
tered in the empire. The figures are life-size.

Foreign Military Observations. 325

One represented a man being sawed in two
from head to foot. He stands bound between
planks, one in front, another in rear ; two men with
a cross-cut saw then begin at the top of the skull,
and probably kill their victim at the first or second
stroke.

Another represents a man on his face receiving
the bamboo. Three hundred blows usually para
lyze the lower limbs, and generally prove fatal.

A third figure represents beheading, quick and
painless.

A fourth represents a man sitting under a red-
hot bell, which is lowered over him, thus roasting
him alive.

A fifth is a figure boiling in a caldron of hot
water or oil.

A sixth is the figure of a man whose bones are
being broken by a weight repeatedly falling upon
him.

Another punishment, not represented, is cutting
a man to pieces by inches, and consists of cutting
out small pieces of flesh from time to time, from
different parts of the body, until the man dies.

Such are some of the cruelties still practiced
under Confucian civilization.

From the temple we went to a prison, where we
saw poor, half-starved creatures, covered with sores
and vermin, who may languish for years before
being tried ; and thence went to a court and wit
nessed a trial. The prisoner, bound with chains,
kneeled before three judges, and, with face bowed
to the ground, not daring to look at his accusers,
answered the questions put to him. He was ac-

326 Emory Upton.

cused of stabbing, which he admitted ; had he not
done so, it is probable that he would have been
whipped till he confessed. The knife he used was
produced, and looked at by his judges, who made
a report to the prefect, by whom sentence was pro
nounced.

These were some of the things we saw at Can
ton, which we left on the 6th, arriving at Hong-
Kong at 3 P. M.

POINT DE GALLE, CEYLON, November 25, 1875.

We left Hong-Kong November nth, on the
steamer Kashgar, and arrived at Singapore on the
i6th. The situation of the city near the extreme
southern point of Asia, within two degrees of the
equator, makes it a great distributing point from
which steamers proceed to Hong-Kong, the Philip
pine Islands, Java, Australia, Calcutta, and Ceylon.
Being a focal point for business, it is no less so for
races. There you have the ubiquitous Chinese, the
ruddy-faced Englishman, the copper-colored Malay,
the swarthy Hindoo, the olive-colored Portuguese,
and many other nationalities. The government is
English, the architecture European, modified to
suit the tropics. The weather is not so hot as it is
many degrees to the north. Longer nights and fre
quent showers cool the air, and make the climate
habitable for men of all nations.

You need only glance at the map to see the far-
reaching — you might say overreaching — foresight
of the English Government. Recognizing the vast
wealth of the East, and the importance of opening
up all of Asia for her manufactures, she has seized

Foreign Military Observations. 327

every strategic point commanding the channel of
commerce from Western Europe to Eastern Asia.
Gibraltar, Malta, Aden, Perim, commanding the
only channel at the mouth of the Red Sea ; Ceylon,
Penang, Singapore, and Hong-Kong — are all in her
possession.

Wherever there is a strait, she lays her iron
grasp upon it. Her acquisition of Perim was inter
esting. A French naval commander, it is said, was
sent to seize it in the name of his government.
Being invited to dine on board a vessel in an Eng
lish squadron, he indiscreetly revealed his mission,
when an officer at the table recollected to have for
gotten something, excused himself, and, while the
Frenchman was regaled with wine, dispatched a
ship to capture the barren rock, the importance of
which had not before occurred to them. When the
Frenchman arrived he found the cross of St. George
floating over the coveted prize, and with it the com
mand of the Red Sea, and the Suez Canal, had
passed into the hands of his hereditary enemies.

With all their diplomacy, one can not fail to
admire English pluck and enterprise. In the East
her foundations are of granite. At every seaport
her government or consular buildings loom up as
emblems of her mighty power. The heathen look
upon them and tremble; while Europeans and
Americans are made to feel that, however great
may be their countries, in Asia they must take a
subordinate position.

We left Singapore at 4 P. M. on the i;th, sailed
through the straits of Malacca, and arrived at Pe
nang at 10 A. M. on the iQth. It is a city of about

328 Emory Upton.

sixty thousand, mostly natives and Chinese. We
drove through tropical scenery to a waterfall about
four hundred feet high, the only object of interest
in the place. The celebrated Banca tin-mines are
near Penang. The Hindoos at Penang are the
handsomest men in figure we have yet seen. Tall,
erect, lithe, clean-climbed, they are models of sym
metry and action.

We sailed from Penang on the 2oth, about 9
p. M., and on the 2ist, in the bay of Bengal, crossed
the antipodes of Willowbrook and Batavia. The
bay was as placid as a lake, but the weather was
hot, compelling us to sleep on deck. We arrived
here yesterday, the 24th, and in a drive to Waka
Walla, the only point of interest, passed the banana,
the cocoanut, the nutmeg, the cinnamon, the clove,
and other fragrant trees, which reminded us that
we were in the land of spices.

DELHI, December 10, 1875.

From Ceylon we sailed to Bombay, where the
only special object of interest I visited was the Hos
pital for Lepers. But the form of leprosy was not
that as " white as snow " described in the Script
ures ; it appeared rather to be a decomposition of
animal tissue, resulting in loss of the fingers and
toes, and even of the hands and feet. Nothing but
the desire to see so ancient a disease tempted me
to look upon these hopeless unfortunates.

December 2d. — We lunched with Sir Philip Wood-
house, Governor of the Bombay Presidency, and at
6.30 P. M. left for Delhi.

Providing ourselves with wraps and pillows, we

Foreign Military Observations. 329

passed a comfortable night in the compartment-cars,
which are so arranged as to give each passenger
a lounge to himself. The morning of the 3d we
found ourselves on the great plains of India, over
which we have already traveled two thousand miles.

The country is entirely different from what I
had anticipated. Far from being tropical in its
vegetation, over the route we have traveled (via
Allahabad), it resembles the plains of Illinois. Here
and there groups of trees, looking like the live-oak
of the South, diversify the landscape, and give to
the country the appearance of a vast park. A small
portion of the soil is cultivated, and, but for the
censuses carefully taken by the English Govern
ment, we could not believe that India possesses a
population of more than two hundred millions.
Even the valley of the Ganges is sparsely settled,
its mud-villages appearing at great distances from
each other. After two days' ride in the cars we
arrived on the evening of the 4th at Lucknow, fa
mous for its siege during the mutiny of 1857. We
spent Sunday the 5th at Lucknow, and on the 6th
visited the Memorial Garden, and Church, at Cawn-
pore. In the garden is a statue of the Angel of
Mercy placed over the well, into which were cast
the remains of about two hundred and fifty women
and children who were massacred by the mutineers.

Leaving Cawnpore at 2.30 P. M., we arrived at
Agra at 11.30 P. M. On the morning of the /th we
visited the fort, which is by far the grandest mass
of masonry I have ever seen. Its walls, built of
red sandstone, are seventy feet high, and are flanked
with circular bastions, giving it a contour of grace,

330 Emory Upton.

strength, and grandeur. Within its inclosure are
the palaces of the Mogul emperors, also the cele
brated Pearl Mosque. From the fort we drove to
the Taj-Mahal, a tomb of white marble built by the
Emperor Shah Jehan in memory of his wife. It
stands on the banks of the Jumna, so beautiful in
design and proportion as to excite the admiration
of the world. In traveling in the East, no less than
in Europe, one sees that all of the noblest works of
art have been inspired by religion and love.

In the afternoon of the 7th we drove over to
Futtehpore Sikree, a distance of twenty-one miles,
where we spent the night amid the ruins of the city
founded by the great Akbar. On the 8th we re
turned to Agra, visiting en route the tomb of Akbar,
saw again the Taj by moonlight, and left at 10 p. M.
for Delhi.

On arriving at Allygur I left Forsyth and San-
ger, who continued on to Delhi, while I went to
Moradabad to see Miss - — , and deliver to her the
presents sent to her by her mother and friends.
She is doing a noble work as a medical missionary,
has her dispensary in the city, and visits all the sick
women who send for her. On my way back I
stopped an hour at Chundowsee, where the Method
ist Mission was holding its annual conference. Mr.
Parker met me at the depot, and drove me to the
camp where services were just closing. In a large
tent were gathered about seventy converted Hin
doos and Mohammedans, of whom thirty-five were
ministers. After service I went to Mr. Parker's
tent, and was warmly welcomed by all the mem
bers of the mission, ladies and gentlemen. Their

Foreign Military Observations. 331

zeal and devotion, and the success which is attend
ing them in establishing schools, circulating the
Scriptures, and especially in forming a native min
istry, afford encouraging evidence that Christianity
is steadily advancing in India.

Leaving Chundowsee at 9.20 I arrived here this
morning at 7.30.

DELHI, December 17, 1875.

Upon arriving at Delhi on the morning of the
7th, Major Sanger was dispatched to Lord Napier's
headquarters with the letter of General Sherman,
to ascertain at what hour we could call and pay
our respects. The message was answered by Cap
tain Kennedy, who came to our hotel, and invited
us to dine with Lord Napier in the evening. We
found him in camp, most comfortably established,
bright fires crackling on the hearths, the tents be
ing furnished with sofas and easy-chairs. Ladies
lent their graceful presence, making us feel that we
were in a palace rather than a camp. Lord Napier
is a splendid soldier, and a man of most easy and
affable manners. The dinner was served as nicely
as in permanent quarters.

The next day we were invited to accompany
the " Chief," as the staff officers designate their com
mander, to a review of a division of infantry. The
appearance of the men was excellent. British and
native infantry stood side by side, the latter emu
lating the precision and steadiness of their white
comrades. The marching, both in quick and double
time, was exceedingly good ; while the alternation
of the helmet and turban imparted peculiar interest
to the scene. This review, short as it was, showed

332 Emory Upton.

us the perfection of English discipline, which I have
always admired. The men in ranks stood firm, and
would no more have raised a hand than a cadet at
inspection. After the review we witnessed a sup
posed attack of a village, according to the Prussian
system. The skirmishers went forward in succes
sive lines, rushing from position to position, as if
thus, under the fire of an enemy, they could be
made to obey every impulse of their leaders.

Sunday, i2th. — I attended morning and evening
service at St. James's church. The observance of
the Sabbath is a noticeable feature in the English
army. There is no Sunday-morning inspection,
neither morning nor evening parade. Instead of
these military exercises, there is a church parade,
attended by all of the men. The members of dif
ferent denominations are then marched to their sev
eral churches ; after which, the only duty of the day
is attendance at roll-call.

Notwithstanding this absence of display, dis
cipline of the highest type prevails — so high, in fact,
that a second holiday per week (Thursday) does
not seem to impair it.

Monday, December ijtk. — Attended a review of
the division of artillery at Bussunt. The distance
from Delhi to Bussunt is ten miles, which we drove
in a carriage, with the understanding that horses
would be supplied us on our arrival. But here one
of those contre-temps occurred which often lose bat
tles. Both our own horses, and those of Lord Na
pier, had gone astray, having gone to Bussai instead
of Bussunt. We, however, pushed forward, and
on arriving at the grounds were supplied with an-

Foreign Military Observations. 333

other mount. The artillery consisted of eleven bat
teries, both horse and mounted ; and, what was
more novel still, there was an elephant-battery.
These huge beasts dragged along the forty-pounder
siege-guns like so many toys. But the objection to
them is, that no persuasion can make them stand
fire ; so, behind each gun follow nine or ten yoke
of oxen, which replace the two elephants on ap
proaching the field of battle. This of course dou
bles the expense, and should suggest the discon
tinuance of so needless a luxury. After the review,
a mimic artillery-duel took place, half of the bat
teries being assigned to a defensive position, while
the other half attacked.

Tuesday, December iqih. — We left Delhi at 4.20
p. M. on an expedition to the Himalayas. At 11
P. M. we arrived at Saharunpoor, where our party
of five took carriages for Raj pore. These garries,
as they are called, are arranged so that the traveler
can extend himself to his full length, enabling him,
as the roads are smooth, to get a good sleep. After
much vociferation, and a firm refusal on our part
to pay in advance the expenses of a round-trip to
Rajpore and return, our procession consisting of an
omnibus containing General Forsyth and Major
Sanger, and three garries, in which Mr. Gillette, of
England, Mr. Cryder, of New York, and myself
were ensconced, began to move.

As we had but two days to go to the mountains
and back, it was important to reach Rajpore by 7
A. M. Our first difficulty was, that each relay of
ponies was balky. After much coaxing, whipping,
pushing, and shouting, the obstinate creatures, from

334 Emory Upton.

standing stock-still, would break into a full gallop.
With each burst of enthusiasm from the ponies, we
cherished the hope of arriving at Rajpore at day
light, but were doomed to disappointment. Toward
morning I heard confusion of tongues, and, looking
out of my garry, perceived that the ponies had dis
appeared, and that I was being drawn up the mount
ain by coolies. In some of the other games, oxen
had been substituted. This was not so bad, for, by
means of twisting their tails and tickling their backs,
these little bullocks can be made to trot four or five
miles an hour. Daylight found us out of temper
and fifteen miles from Rajpore, but in front of us
was the beautiful valley of the Boon, with its groves
of bamboo, orchards of banana, and fields of tea.
Beyond was a range of hills, seven thousand feet
high, covered with patches of white, which we took
to be snow, but afterward found to be the villages
of Mussoorie and Landour. In the presence of so
much beauty our better feelings prevailed, and we
traveled joyfully onward to Rajpore, arriving there
at noon. Here we breakfasted, and, taking ponies,
immediately set out for Landour. The road, which
was well made but very steep, zigzagged up the
mountain along the edge of precipices and around
bold headlands, offering us a succession of enchant
ing views. With each elevation the scene changed.
Behind us was the valley of the Boon, with its
streams looking like threads of silver winding across
the plain ; still farther was the range of hills a thou
sand feet high, separating the valley from the great
plains beyond ; above were the lofty peaks we must
crown before the grand view would burst upon us.

Foreign Military Observations. 335

Our ponies pushed on bravely. In seven miles they
were to climb six thousand feet, equal to the height
of Mount Washington.

At 4 P. M. we arrived at Mussoorie and Landour.
Here, after taking refreshments, the proprietor of
the hotel kindly offered to be our guide. Follow
ing him, we threaded the tortuous streets of the
villages, until he brought us to a crest, whence, with
out preparation, the whole range burst into view.
We were chained to the spot. At our feet was a
valley, almost a chasm, thousands of feet deep ; and
twenty miles away rose the peaks of the Himalayas
nestling in the clouds. Clad in white, reposing in
solitude and grandeur, they stood before us the
mighty witnesses of Him whose power is infinite
and whose ways are past finding out. Reverently,
I could not but feel " the heavens declare the glory
of God, and the firmament showeth his handiwork."

After the startling emotions of the first view had
subsided, we proceeded to the highest peak in Lan
dour (seven thousand and three hundred feet) to wit
ness the sunset. Behind us, toward the setting sun,
were the great plains, enveloped in purple mist, in
which the waters of the Jumna sparkled like the
fire of an opal. Below us were the white bunga
lows of English residents, who seek health in the
hills, perched on the peaks, and half concealed by
the spreading trees, which added their verdure to
the charm. To the eastward, extending sixty or
eighty miles, stood the mighty monarchs, bathed in
pinkish light, up whose flanks the lengthening shad
ows crept, until the peaks and fleecy clouds alone
caught the last rays of departing day.

336 Emory Upton.

The next afternoon, on our departure from Sa-
harunpoor, sixty miles from the range, we had our
last view. From that distance the mountains loomed
up among the clouds, enabling us to realize their
great height of five miles above the sea.

Friday, ijth. — We witnessed a grand cavalry re
view of thirteen regiments. They marched past
first at a walk, in column of squadrons, then coun
termarched and passed at a trot. After which, they
deployed into line and swept by at a gallop. The
turban and the helmet ; the elephants, with purple
caparison, bearing spectators ; the camels grazing
in the distance ; the ruins of Delhi — gave us a com
bination of Oriental and Occidental scenes to be
found only in India.

Saturday, i8th. — We left Delhi at 1 1 A. M., and
arrived at Calcutta on Monday, the 2Oth.

General Litchfield, United States consul-general,
met us at the depot, and we are now enjoying his
generous hospitality.

CALCUTTA, December 23, 1875.

Everything here is in excitement in anticipation
of the visit of the Prince of Wales. The evening
of our arrival we attended a Hindoo reception given
by two nawabs. It did not differ from a European
reception, except that there were some native sing
ers, who, sitting on the floor, entertained us with
a succession of plaintive nasal sounds not at all
agreeable to the ear.

On the 22d we lunched at Government House.
After lunch we were presented to his Excellency
the viceroy, Lord Northbrook. He is an exceed
ingly affable man, a ready talker, and, belonging to

Foreign Military Observations. 337

a business family — the Barings, of London — showed
himself au courant with affairs, whether civil, mili
tary, or commercial.

He soon decided our future plans. The unset
tled condition of Afghanistan bars that route, while,
were we able to go to Kashgar, the passes would
not be open before May or June. The only route
now open is that through Persia. The viceroy
told us we should have invitations to all the cere
monies in honor of the Prince of Wales, and that
if any failed to reach us it would be purely acci
dental. The interview lasted about half an hour,
and I need not say we retired well pleased with
the ruler of nearly two hundred and fifty millions
of people.

From Government House we drove to the resi
dence of the lieutenant-governor of Bengal, Sir
Richard Temple, who rules sixty-three millions of
people. Even colonels of the army, as civil com
missioners, rule as many as five millions, equal in
number to the population of the State of New York.
Such are the capacities of the civil and military
service in India.

December 22d. — We visited Fort William, and in
spected the armory and barracks. The latter are
the best in India, and show what care the Govern
ment takes of its soldiers. The men perform mili
tary duty only. The policing is done by coolies,
the cooking is done by coolies, and, when the tired
soldier seeks his rest at the end of the day, a coolie
works his punka, and fans him to sleep. In hot
weather, screens are hung before the doors of the
quarters, and these are kept wet by coolies. The
15

338 Emory Upton.

rapid evaporation of the water cools the tempera
ture within sufficiently to make life endurable.

While on the subject of coolies, I may as well
speak of servants generally. At one house where
we dined, twenty-four were employed. Of these,
six found occupation in and about the kitchen, and
a large number about the stables, one to each horse.

At another house thirty-nine servants, all men,
constituted the domestic household. This horde
was not fed by the employer. Each received about
three dollars per month, and provided for himself.

The evening of the 22d we dined at Govern
ment House. The viceroy gave me the seat on his
right, and throughout the dinner entertained me
with conversation on every variety of subject. After
dinner the company ascended to the drawing-rooms,
and there we saw the viceroy receive several of the
maharajas. These chiefs came into the room in
gorgeous robes, their turbans glittering with dia
monds. It was Europe and Asia again face to face.
The native princes displayed their plumage like
peacocks ; the ruler of India, attired in a plain black
suit, moved among them as modestly as his hum
blest guest.

December 2jd. — In the afternoon we went to the
landing to witness the reception of the Prince of
Wales. As on the evening before, the native chiefs
were the special objects of attention. Attired in
their richest apparel, they stood resplendent, glit
tering in the sun. Patiala wore a turban which
alone was valued at half a million dollars. About
his head were festooned strings of diamonds ; among
them, those formerly belonging to the Empress Eu-

Foreign Military Observations. 339

genie. Any one of the precious ornaments he so
lavishly displayed would have been a modest fort
une. Pearls and emeralds also decked his clothes,
enabling him to stand from head to foot a monu
ment of Oriental splendor.

Other chiefs emulated but did not surpass Pa-
tiala. Some had their robes embroidered in gold,
others in pearl and turquoise. Above their heads
glistened sprays of diamonds, while here and there
huge solitaires twinkled like the stars. Among the
chiefs stood one of commanding stature, gorgeous
in his robes, but, Naaman-like, a leper.

At 4.30 P. M. the prince left his ship under a royal
salute from the fleet. On reaching the wharf an
address was presented, to which he replied. He
was then conducted to the platform, where the na
tive princes and other dignitaries were presented,
after which he immediately left for Government
House. Thousands of people turned out to wel
come him. After he had gone, Patiala and his
friends stayed upon the platform, and with evident
satisfaction permitted the people, as many as liked,
to gaze upon a sight that will never be repeated.
On retiring from the landing, at his request, I was
presented to the Maharajah of Cashmere, who in
vited us to visit him at his capital.

In connection with this display, another scene
deeply impressed me. A native woman fainted,
and, as the throng passed by, I saw a frail girl bend
ing over her, administering restoratives, whom I
recognized as Miss W- — , a young missionary from
Brooklyn.

December 2^th. — The city was illuminated in

34-O Emory Upton.

honor of the Prince of Wales. From the Maidan,
a great park, the public buildings and private resi
dences were revealed in outline, making Calcutta,
indeed, appear the City of Palaces. For miles the
streets were a blaze of light. On each side wire
was stretched like telegraph lines, from which, at
intervals of six or eight inches, were hung small
white and colored glasses, filled with oil and float
ing wicks. Other wires, similarly prepared, hung
in festoons from those already described. The car
riages thus moved through an avenue of light.
Here and there triumphal arches spanned the streets ;
while illuminated trees, gateways, and other de
vices, increased the effect. All along the line, the
streets were packed with people clad in white.
Some of them stood on distant house-steps, and
looked like specters unmoved by the display. Mo
hammedan and Hindoo gazed calmly upon the
small procession of Europeans who, like conquerors,
enjoyed the scene. No mark of enthusiasm was
shown. We passed quietly through the flickering
light, and, after a drive of five miles, returned to the
home of our consul.

DELHI, January 16, 1876.

After leaving Calcutta we came directly to
Delhi, stopping one day at Benares. The latter
city, being sacred to the Hindoos, we found filled
with temples. Flowers seemed to be the principal
sacrifice to their deities ; but with them were offered
prayers and food. In rowing down the river we
were most impressed with the rite of cremation.
In the crisp morning we saw two bright fires burn
ing on the shore, each containing about half a cord

Foreign Military Observations. 341

of wood. Around them sat a row of half-clad Hin
doos, apparently enjoying the warmth that pro
ceeded from them. Others were bathing in the
sacred Ganges, according to their morning custom.
There was no sign of mourning ; nothing to indicate
that human remains were being reduced to ashes,
then to be thrown into the sacred river. We could
hardly believe that we were witnessing the lorm of
burial which has so recently excited the world, yet
here it is the highest act of respect that can be
shown. If too poor to provide the wood, the last
hope of the expiring Hindoo is to be thrown into
the river.

We were glad to leave the city. In fact, when
we shall have once seen the Asiatics of different
countries, we shall all hope never to see them again,
except it be the Japanese. The Prince of Wales is
now here, receiving nearly the same hospitalities as
at Calcutta. As American officers we have been
treated with the greatest consideration, having been
invited to every entertainment that has been given
to him. He has also taken especial interest in us,
having invited us to dine with him at his camp, and
because I was absent, witnessing the manoeuvres, he
has given us another invitation. Everywhere every
courtesy and hospitality have been extended to us,
Last night we all went to call on the American
missionaries, but found there were none. We, how
ever, called on the English Baptist mission, which
is in a flourishing condition. Dr. Smith told me
they had six native congregations, presided over
by native ministers, numbering about four hundred
and fifty communicants. This morning I went to

342 Emory Upton.

the mission church and heard Dr. Smith preach in
Hindoo. He says he speaks it with as much ease
as English. The chapel was quite well filled, but
many stayed away because of the cold. They go
half-naked here, in latitude 29°, all the year round.
Snow never falls, and to-day we can see the rose
and peach in full blossom.

I send you a specimen of lace, which the ladies
of the Baptist mission have taught the zenanas to
make. These women scarcely ever go outside of
their houses. The one who made this lace, I was
told, had not been in the streets for many years
until one of the ladies took her in a close carriage
to see the illumination.

From here wre go to Peshawer, thence back to
Bombay. We have seen all there is of military in
terest, except the Punjaub, and, when that is done,
I shall be glad to turn my face toward Persia. The
ride from Bagdad to Teheran will be a long one,
but I have no doubt it will do us all good.

RAWUL PINDEE, January 20, 1876.

We arrived here this morning, and have been
compelled to wait over a day, in consequence of
scarcity of carriage. The place is in a beautiful
valley, where the orange grows in sight of perpet
ual snow. Yesterday we traveled parallel to the
Himalayas, whose peaks, clad in white, loomed up
twenty-six thousand feet above the sea. The sun
set was particularly beautiful. Poor S , in my

last letters, has had to wade through nothing but
the accounts of the Prince of Wales. Thank For
tune, we have finally got off from his route ; so no

Foreign Military Observations. 343

longer will mention have to be made of him. He,
however, treated us, as American officers, with the
greatest consideration, and we shall not soon forget
his kindness. At the last dinner he gave each of
us a print of himself and the princess.

We are now en route to Peshawer, the frontier
station of India. It is at the mouth of the Kyber
Pass, the route which, in all probability, Alexander
took when he invaded India. We have now crossed
the route of all the great conquerors of Asia —
Genghis Khan, Kublai Khan, Tamerlane, and Alex
ander. I am not surprised at their success. The
Asiatics are such cowardly wretches that one deter
mined man can chase a thousand. I can imagine
you to-day frozen up in mid-winter, while here, in
latitude thirty-six, the oranges still hang on the
trees. The spring crops are just coming on and
look promising, but I wish you could see the native
villages — nothing but mud-huts, so small and dark
as to be unfit for pig-sties. Yet these people will
not forsake them ; they have no idea of luxury or
comfort, and certainly do not care to learn from
their English masters.

RAWUL PINDEE, January 27, 1876.

We left Rawul Pindee, by a government con
veyance, at 8 A. M., on the 2ist, and arrived at 4.30
p. M. at Attock, which is at the junction of the Indus
and Cabul Rivers. The two streams unite in a large
plain, apparently with the view of forcing their way
through a range of hills which crosses the Indus
immediately below the junction. A Mussulman
fort, built by Akbar, dominates the rivers, and in

344 Emory Upton.

its day was a formidable obstacle to barbarian in
vasions.

Continuing our journey, we arrived at Peshawer
at 3 A. M. on the 22d. After breakfast we called
upon Colonel Yorke, who received us very kindly.
In the afternoon he turned out the Twentieth Pun-
jaub Infantry, and the Fourteenth Native Infantry,
for our inspection and review. These men are
mostly recruited in the vicinity, and many of them
are wild Afghans, who, in their love for fighting,
make no distinction between their own people and
other hostile tribes.

Sunday we attended the garrison church, and
walked through the old native city. The latter re
sembled many of the cities we saw in China, except
that the inhabitants were more squalid in appear
ance. If you could see the mud-houses of the Hin
doos, without windows or furniture, filled with
smoke and filth, you would realize that poverty is
unknown in America. In these wretched huts many
men live who are quite wealthy, not having learned
that it is unnecessary to conceal their wealth from
their English masters, as they were wont to do
under their native rulers.

Monday, 2$th. — Major Omaney organized for us
an expedition to the Khyber Pass. Accompanied
by him and several English officers, we proceeded
to Jumrood, the frontier post of the English, thir
teen miles from Peshawer, where we were met by
one hundred and fifty armed Afghans from across
the border.

Half-clad in sheep-skins, wearing the turban, and
armed with matchlocks, swords, pistols, and knives,

Foreign Military Observations. 345

a worse-looking set of cut-throats it is difficult to
imagine. A general discharge of fire-arms from the
parapet of the old fort of Jumrood signalized our
approach. Here we took horses, and with our
murderous-looking escort started for the pass, two
miles off. We all thought how easy it would be
for these fellows to close the pass and turn upon
us : and our confidence was not increased by the
sight of a murdered Afghan, whose grave was be
ing dug by the road-side, and whose murderer, in
retaliation, had bitten the dust before our return.

Such is their life. Claiming to be descendants
of the " lost tribes of Israel," they mercilessly en
force the law, " Eye for an eye, and tooth for a
tooth." If a man is shot or stabbed, his friends
hunt down the murderer like a wild beast.

These are the characteristics of the many tribes
to whose tender mercies we would have committed
ourselves, had we endeavored to cross Afghanistan
against the counsel of the viceroy. They acknowl
edge no law, and are as independent of the Emir of
Cabul as they are of the English. The latter they
have been taught to fear, hence they rarely make
forays upon the villages under English protection ;
but between each other, village against village, and
family against family, are often arrayed in deadly
hostility. In their faces there is no gleam of com
passion, and they look as if to fire at a man from
ambush, or to stab him in the dark, would be the
greatest of secret pleasures. As we rode in the
midst of the rabble we could see old men, and even
boys of twelve and thirteen, bearing the deadliest
weapons. From the cradle to the grave, war and

346 Emory Upton.

bloodshed appear to be their occupation ; and even
in cultivating the soil they never quit their weapons,
lest every bush conceal an enemy.

The entrance to the pass was like a gateway be
tween two cliffs, about one thousand feet high. In
side we ascended the gravelly bed of a dry stream,
and then, taking a fine road, constructed by the
English in 1841, we penetrated about three miles
and a half, when the civil commissioner thought he
had gone as far as was prudent. The mountains
were treeless and verdureless, resembling those
about Salt Lake.

On our return to Jumrood an excellent lunch
awaited us, after which our Afghan friends amused
us with feats of marksmanship. They proved that,
with the old flint-lock musket, a bottle could read
ily be hit at one hundred and fifty yards. The clay
was a most pleasant one, and in interest was worthy
of being classed with the day we visited the Nan-
kow Pass, and the Great Wall of China.

Tuesday, 2$th. — The whole garrison, consisting
of two British and four native regiments of infantry,
two native cavalry regiments, and three batteries
of artillery, was turned out for review. The blend
ing of uniforms and colors I have already described
at Delhi ; but here the picturesqueness was increased
by the proximity of the mountains which, like a
horseshoe, almost encircled us.

Above and beyond the troops were the Hindoo-
Koosh, fifteen thousand feet high, completely cov
ered with snow ; while, in the gardens at our backs,
could be culled the sweet lemon, and roses, almost
in full bloom.

Foreign Military Observations. 347

Peshawer lies almost in the center of a plain,
fifty by sixty miles square ; and, being- nearly sur
rounded by mountains, in one of the hottest and
most unhealthy places in India. British regiments
are required to remain in it but one year. The
Seventeenth Regiment, seven hundred strong, have
all had chills and fever except eight men, and over
three hundred were sick at one time.

Alexander wintered in the valley of Peshawer,
then covered with forests, and the home of the rhi
noceros. It was also in the devastating path of
Tamerlane. To-day, under the English, it knows
more peace and prosperity than in all the ages since
Alexander.

We left Peshawer on Wednesday, the 26th, at 9
A. M. ; stopped at Attock, where we " tiffined " with
officers of the artillery, and resuming our journey
arrived here, where for want of horses we are again
detained. We shall, however, get off to-morrow,
and then shall make our way almost directly to
Bombay.

ARABIAN SEA, February 17, 1876.

This afternoon we shall sight Muscat. It lies on
the Tropic of Cancer, and in summer is one of the
hottest places on the globe. The thermometer fre
quently stands at 108° all night. The mountains be
hind it rise to a height of six thousand feet. The
Bedouins vex the spirit of his Majesty the Sultan
to such an extent that he frequently flees to the
Persian shore. Whenever he has money in his cof
fers, they organize in the desert, advance to the
gates of the city and demand a subsidy. If this be
not forthcoming, they attack the place and compel

348 Emory Upton.

compliance with their demands. We shall be at
Muscat but a few hours, and hope to arrive at
Bushire on Thursday next. Then our work begins.
The route is safe, and I have no doubt we shall find
it pleasant. We are on a delightful little steamer,
and as comfortable as if we were on the Hudson.
One can not fail to admire English enterprise in the
East. It has placed steamship lines along every
coast, and now one can go around the world as
easily as he can travel in his own country. Already
I begin to think with pleasure of turning my face
homeward.

BUNDER ABBAS, PERSIA, February 20, 1876.

We left Bombay, Friday, February nth, at 6
P. M., on the steamer Umbala, for Bushire.

Monday, the Hth, we arrived at Kurrachee.
The city contains about seventy thousand people,
and lies in a low, flat plain, about twenty miles from
the mouth of the Indus. The country back of the
city is almost barren ; yet, within, irrigation pro
duces fine crops, and shows that only water is re
quired to make the desert beautiful as a garden.
Behind the city there is a range of verdureless hills,
rising to eight hundred or a thousand feet. The
harbor contained no less than eight steamers the
morning we arrived, and we were naturally puzzled
as to the reason for such a commercial appearance.
It lies, however, in the fact that the port is the out
let for the valley of the Indus, which is navigable
as far up as Moultan.

Tuesday, at 1 1 A. M., we sailed for Muscat, where
we arrived on the morning of the i8th. The har
bor is a small bay, protected on each side by pre-

Foreign Military Observations. 349

cipitous rocks from three to five hundred feet high,
which are crowned with castles bristling with can
non.

The city lies at the head of the bay, as in the
neck of a funnel, and looks more like a place in Eu
rope, in the middle ages, than the capital of an
Oriental despot. The front of the city, and also the
castles, were built by the Portuguese, when it was
in their possession, who lost the city in a general
massacre resulting, it is said, from the effort of the
ruler to marry a native woman in defiance of the
precepts of her religion.

Squeezed between barren, broiling rocks, on
which the eye seeks in vain for verdure, the city
claims geographically the benefit of both a tropical
and temperate climate. It lies on the tropic of
Cancer — an imaginary line which assumes a painful
reality when, in summer, the torrid winds, sweep
ing across it, keep the thermometer at 108° night
and day.

The only place of interest, as in most Asiatic
towns, is the bazaar in which the tradesmen expose
for sale the few wares and curiosities of the country.

We brought letters to Colonel Miles, the politi
cal agent of Great Britain, who received us kindly
and invited us to lunch. But the great object of
interest was our visit to the Sultan, or Imaum. On
expressing a desire to pay our respects, the colonel
sent a note to the palace, receiving in reply an ap
pointment for 2 P. M. At that hour we proceeded
through a narrow alley to the palace, which we ap
proached from the rear. As the door was thrown
open, an Arabian lion glared at us from his cage on

350 Emory Upton.

the left. A couple of horses stood on our right,
while in front about a dozen ragamuffins, with
knives, and arms of the oddest pattern, awaited to
do us military honor.

On entering the court, his majesty sent his re
grets that, in consequence of lameness, he was not
able to receive us at the foot of the stairs. This
flattering explanation having been interpreted, we
mounted the rickety stairway, and at the top were
met by the Sultan, who shook us cordially by the
hand, and motioned us into an adjoining room. The
furniture of the room was very simple, consisting
of a green-covered table in the center, a sofa, and
some chairs, arranged with military precision against
the walls.

The Sultan wore a turban, a gray gown extend
ing from his head to his feet, a white under-garment
richly embroidered, and sandals which exposed his
well-shaped bare feet.

His face is said to be the handsomest in Asia,
but this I think an exaggeration, or at least a com
pliment to kingly vanity. He was, however, fine-
looking, with a high forehead, arched eyebrows,
aquiline nose, firm mouth, and patriarchal beard.
A feeling of sadness seemed to overspread his
countenance, which could be accounted for by his
meditation on the lives of his predecessors, most
of whom have died by violence ; or by reflecting
on his own experience, which has not been devoid
of danger.

Only a few weeks since he was compelled to flee
to Persia ; was reinstated through the kind offices
of England, and again finds himself tottering on his

Foreign Military Observations. 351

throne, not knowing- what moment some blood
thirsty wretch may dispatch him.

The conversation was not very edifying-. We
told him we had come from America, and, having
learned accidentally that morning that we had a
treaty with the Imaum of Muscat, we expressed the
hope that the relations of the two countries might
remain cordial. He then began to inquire about
India, the Franco-German War, and particularly
the war between the Khedive of Egypt and his
brother the Sultan of Zanzibar. We told him that
the armies of the Khedive had been repulsed. He
said, for a great man with a great many soldiers, to
attack a small man with a few soldiers, was mean
and cowardly, and, as this accorded with our ideas
as soldiers, we gave a formal assent.

During the course of the interview refreshments
were served. The first consisted of a confection
looking like cocoanut-candy, then followed coffee,
after which the servant brought in four very large
glasses filled with a transparent sweet fluid like
sherbet. Politeness only requires one to take a sip ;
but some persons, thinking this would not be a suit
able appreciation of hospitality, have been known to
drink the entire glass, and have been very sick for
their pains.

After removing the sherbet, the servant re
turned with a large server on which was a very
small vial. For an instant I was puzzled, but recol
lecting that we were in the land of cassia, myrrh,
and frankincense, a fortunate intuition suggested
an Arabian perfume, so, placing the end of my fin
ger in the neck of the vial, I wet it, and immediate-

352 Emory Upton.

ly stroked my mustache. The delicious odor of
attar of roses soon filled the room, and, enveloped
in perfume, we thanked his majesty for his kind re
ception, and took our departure.

We left Muscat Friday, at 7 P. M., and arrived
here at 9 A. M. this morning (2Oth). At this port
Alexander was met by his fleet about 325 B. c. The
country has the same sterile aspect as at Muscat.
The mountains a few miles in the interior rise to
ten thousand feet, and are now capped with snow.

SHIRAZ, PERSIA, March 6, 1876.

From Bunder Abbas we went to Linjah, where
we arrived at i P. M. on the 2ist of February. The
town is a squalid-looking place, scarcely distin
guishable from the gray coast-line, and from the
clay -colored mountains rising in the rear. We
called on the sheik, and afterward visited the wells,
and saw where he had walled in, and left to die, a
thief, who had stolen one of his horses. This is
not an uncommon punishment in Persia. They fre
quently compel the culprit to build his own tomb,
which is just large enough for him to stand inside,
and then placing him in it, head downward, pour it
full of liquid lime. Death in this manner is almost
instantaneous. The feet are allowed to project,
where they remain as a terror to evil-doers, until
they drop off from decay.

Another punishment, inflicted for minor offenses,
is beating the bottom of the feet with sticks. This
is done so mercilessly in some instances as to beat
off the toes, and leave the offender a cripple for
months.

Foreign Military Observations. 353

The only European at Linjah was the agent of
the British India Steamship Company, whom we
took on board, a wretched sufferer from rheumatic
fever. From Linjah we went to Bahrein in Arabia,
where we arrived at I P. M. on the 23d. The town
is on an island, and is celebrated for its pearl-fish
eries. We endeavored to buy a few pearls, but
found that during- the fishing-season experts from
the jewelers at Bombay had purchased the valuable
ones, and sent them to India and Europe.

We left Bahrein on the morning of the 24th,
and, sailing almost due north, reached Bushire at
10 A. M. on the 25th. Captain Campbell, commander
of the British gunboat, came on board to call on
us, and sent us ashore in his boat. We thence pro
ceeded on horseback to the British residency, where
we were delightfully received and entertained by
Colonel and Mrs. Ross. This brave little woman
has followed her husband to all his stations on the
Persian Gulf, and wherever he has been has made
him a home that has been admired by all who have
had the good fortune to visit them.

The city lies on a flat peninsula of sand, and from
the sea presents an imposing appearance ; but a
nearer approach, like that of Muscat, dispels the
illusion, for it is built of rubble-stone and mud, with
streets so narrow as to be easily roofed over, thus
excluding the sun. We remained at Bushire Satur
day and Sunday, completing our outfit for the long
journey of more than a thousand miles on horse
back. All superfluous baggage had to be sent off
to Naples.

My kit, when made up, consisted of an undress

354 Emory Upton.

uniform, a dark winter suit, half a dozen collars,
half a dozen handkerchiefs, one change of under
clothing, half a dozen stockings, and a folding dress
ing-case. These articles are wrapped in several
parcels, and are carried in saddle-bags made of Per
sian carpet, which are slung over the horse's back
in rear of the saddle. The bedding consists of one
comforter, a pillow, and a tick, which is filled with
chopped straw at each station.

Our riding-suit is made of dust-colored cordu
roy. The coat is a short plaited frock, full of pock
ets ; trousers cut tight like riding-breeches ; leg
gings to the knee, and shoes, are made of brown
leather. This suit, which we all wear, has been ad
mired as the best traveling-dress that has been seen
in Persia. All of the above outfit, after leaving
Shiraz, is to be carried on the horses we ride.

For the trip to Shiraz we took three horses and
six mules. The Persian saddle which we rejected,
having English saddles of our own, covers the horse
from his shoulders to his hips ; the skirts are four
inches thick, and the hideous, unsightly thing weighs
not less than sixty pounds. To carry these three
saddles, used as pack-saddles, required an extra
mule. Our entire train consisted of three horses
and six mules. The route at times not having
been free from robbers, we each carried a carbine
and revolver.

All of our arrangements having been completed,
we took leave of Colonel and Mrs. Ross, and at
11.30 A. M. on the 28th of February commenced our
march. Several gentlemen escorted us a short dis
tance out of the city, and Dr. Andreas, of the Ger-

Foreign Military Observations. 355

man scientific expedition, at our invitation, accom
panied us to our first halting-place.

The road from Bushire, for about fifteen miles,
is through sand, overflowed by the sea at high tide.
The next few miles the land is flat, with here and
there a patch of barley. With this exception, the
only vegetation is a low sage-bush, which half cov
ers the soil, and gives the ground a gray, mottled
appearance. The date-palm appears here and there,
wherever water is found. It being quite hot, the
air rose tremblingly from the plain, giving rise to
mirage, not so dazzling as to people the waste with
villages and groves ; yet, apparently, we saw lakes
where no water existed, while the black tops of the
date-palms seemed to stand trunkless, suspended
above the horizon.

The first night we spent at Ahmadi in a hand
some caravansary. These structures take the place
of hotels throughout Asia, and in Persia are built
by rich extortioners, who thus hope to smooth their
way heavenward. They are built in the form of a
square, usually one story high, and are entered
through a pointed arched gateway. In the center
of the court is a raised platform, about three feet
high, upon which saddles and packs are deposited.
Facing the court on all four sides are a number of
arched recesses, with an aperture at the back of
each leading into a dark room. These rooms, to
which the arched recesses serve as parlors, are the
only accommodation the traveler can hope for. In
the center of each is a hole in the floor, about the
size and depth of a hat. This serves for a fireplace,
and, as there is no chimney, the smoke rises to the

356 Emory Upton.

blackened ceiling, and thence descends to plague
the eyes and noses of the occupants. If no felt has
been provided by the traveler to cover the aperture
for the door, he must sleep in communication with
the open air, no matter how cold.

In the angles stabling is provided for the ani
mals. The best caravansaries usually have a room
over the arched gateway, and also above the cen
ters of the other sides. Even with this advantage
there is no approach to luxury ; yet the Persian,
who, doubtless, has never seen anything better,
looks upon them as the perfection of rest for the
traveler.

We were most fortunate in securing a servant
who speaks a little English. He had just made the
trip from Teheran with Mr. and Mrs. Arnold, of
London, whom we met at Bunder Abbas. Without
him we would have been in a sorry plight, as not
another servant was to be found in Bushire. His
mess-kit is so small as to be carried in a pair of sad
dle-bags, and yet, with the small fire before de
scribed, he manages in a few minutes to give us an
omelette, or a stew, to which no reasonable man
can object. The night of the 2gth we stopped at
Daliki, near the foot of the mountains. A short
distance from the village we passed several sulphur
and naphtha springs.

March ist. — We clambered up the mountain-
paths to the plain Konartakteh, eighteen hundred
feet above the sea, thence still higher to the plain
of Kamaraj, twenty-nine hundred feet above the
sea. The mountains consisted simply of the up
turned edges of stratified rock, the inclination of

Foreign Military Observations. 357

the strata being 45°, while the broken faces were
frequently almost vertical. Near the summit of the
pass, or kotal, leading to Kamaraj, we saw vast
quantities of gypsum. The mountains were all tree
less, but small patches of grass were here and there
visible.

March 2d. — We left Kamaraj at 6 A. M., and spent
the night at Kazeroon. When about three miles
from the city we were met by the governor and a
large body of horsemen, who escorted us to the
governor's house. As we approached his gate a
man struck off the head of a lamb, and, holding
it up, exclaimed, " Welcome in the name of the
Prophet ! "

On our way in we were entertained with feats
of horsemanship. Two men caracoled backward
and forward across the road, leaping ditches and
hedges, and firing their guns and pistols at each
other. All this time the calaon, or pipe, about two
and a half feet high, was kept circulating. Being
in a complimentary frame of mind, I admired the
governor's horse. He immediately gave him to me,
and insisted on my taking him ; but that was impos
sible, which, I half suspected, he knew before mak
ing the generous offer. On entering his house,
breakfast was served in a room overlooking the
court. It consisted first of sweetmeats, which were
delicious ; then melons and fruits ; and, lastly, chick
ens, game, and meats. The cooking was good, and
far superior to that of China and Japan.

At the breakfast there was present Sayed Ma
homet, a descendant of the Prophet. Like the de
scendants of Confucius, those of the Prophet are

358 Emory Upton.

highly honored, and are insured a comfortable liv
ing. The one before us must have stood six feet
four in his stockings. When sitting his beard
reached to his girdle. On his head he wore a green
turban, the sign of his lineage. With a high fore
head, arched eyebrows, aquiline nose, and flowing
beard, he lacked only the frost of age to make him
the perfect type of the patriarch.

When breakfast was finished, the governor es
corted us to a house in a large orange-grove, where
we were allowed to refresh ourselves, after which
tea was served in the garden. Toward evening we
returned to the governor's house, where we dined.
After dinner, which did not differ much from the
breakfast, we went back to our quarters in the
grove, and at daylight were off for Shiraz.

Two steep kotals brought us to the plain of Dash-
tiarjan, nearly six thousand six hundred feet above
the sea. The night we spent at the telegraph-office.
As I have already written you, the Anglo-Indian
telegraph runs along the entire route from Bushire
to Teheran. It is splendidly constructed, with cast-
iron poles. Every forty or fifty miles there is a
telegraph-office, and an operator who speaks Eng
lish. At these offices we were kindly received and
hospitably entertained. All along our line of march
we had only to look at the telegraph-line, to remind
us of the civilization to which we were hastening.
In mountain-passes, where the poles were perched
on dizzy heights, and the wires spanned gracefully
the intervening chasms; or on the plains, where for
miles the poles could be seen growing shorter and
shorter, till lost in a point of the horizon, we felt

Foreign Military Observations. 359

that we were not alone, and that our mute compan
ion, though silent to us, was transmitting messages
to hundreds of people in Europe, Asia, and even
distant America.

We left Dashtiarjan at 5.55 A. M. on the 4th, and
arrived at Shiraz at 6 p. M. Mr. Walker, the super
intendent of the telegraph, came out to meet us, and
made us very comfortable at his house. The pleas
ure of our visit was increased on account of his
having a brother, Captain Fergus Walker, in the
First Infantry.

Shiraz lies in a valley about forty miles long and
twelve broad. Around the city the soil is well cul
tivated, but nearly nine tenths of the land is suf
fered to lie idle. We called on the governor, who
is a brother-in-law of the Shah, and had a particu
larly pleasant interview, as he spoke French fluent
ly, enabling us to dispense with an interpreter.

The only objects of curiosity at Shiraz are the
tombs of the great poets Saadi and Hafiz. We were
also shown a stream, about two feet wide, which the
former has made immortal. These three objects,
and a walk through the bazaar, constituted all of
our sight-seeing at Shiraz.

TEHERAN, March 19, 1876.

We left Shiraz on Monday the 6th at 3 P. M., on
chapar-horses for Ispahan, and passed the night in
a chapar-khanah at Zirgan. Mr. Walker and sev
eral friends accompanied us a few miles on our
road, and then left us to our new experience in Per
sian travel. There are no railroads, as you well
know, in Persia ; nor have we seen a wheeled ve
hicle of any description from Bushire to Teheran.

360 Emory Upton.

As a substitute, there are lines of post-horses estab
lished on all the main routes centering at the capital.

The distance between stations is from sixteen to
twenty-eight miles. At each station there are from
three to five chapar-horses, and such horses as are
only to be met in Persia. Foundered, ring-boned,
and spavined, they often start off on three legs;
but, on warming to their work, they gradually get
the use of the fourth, and then, breaking into an
ambling gait, canter almost without a stop from
one station to another. It hardly does to speak of
their backs. The hard, inflexible Persian saddle,
which looks like the roof of a small house, has made
them so sore that it is far preferable to ride them in
winter than summer. To the above defects must
be added another which involves some peril to the
rider, and that is, that they are knee-sprung and
frequently stumble. Each one of us got a fall-
horse and rider tumbling into a heap — yet we all
escaped without a bruise or a scratch.

The stations are called chapar-khanahs, and are
built exclusively of mud. In form they are like the
caravansaries, with the exception that they have
small, round towers at the angles, and that there is
a single room over the arched gateway for the ac
commodation of travelers.

As you enter this room, through an aperture for
a door, which has to be stopped with a felt or a
blanket, the view of its mud floor, mud walls, and
mud ceiling, is nowise cheering or encouraging.
Presently the servant appears with a light, spreads
your bedding, and then brings in a soup, and some
kind of a stew, which he calls your dinner. After

Foreign Military Observations. 361

you have eaten it — sitting cross-legged like a Turk
—the only resource left is sleep.

Our cook was remarkable for the variety of uses
to which he could apply the few articles composing
our kit, a quality we had overlooked until one day
we discovered that the soup had been served in our
wash-basins ! Fortunately our appetites had been
appeased, but from that time we requested him to
exert his ingenuity in other directions.

From Zirgan we went to the ruins of Persepolis,
the ancient capital of the empire. The city was
situated at the junction of five fertile valleys, and
was surrounded with snow-capped mountains.

The ruins consist of the lower stories of the
palaces of Darius and Xerxes, the Hall of Xerxes,
and the propylasa of Xerxes. They stand on three
terraces of different elevations, the walls supporting
the terraces being about fifty feet high. The out
side walls, which face the plain, are composed of
large blocks of limestone, which required no little
engineering skill to place one above the other.
From the top of the walls the terraces extend back
three or four hundred yards to the mountains, which
rise precipitously in the rear. A broad, double
staircase, up which our horses clambered, leads
from the plain to the terraces. On the inner walls
of the staircases, processions of men and beasts are
sculptured in bass-relief; also in the gateway and
on the sides of the doors of the palaces combats be
tween men and beasts are represented in the same
manner.

In the propylasa of Xerxes, beneath one of the
huge winged lions, carved in large letters, was the

16

362 Emory Upton.

name " Stanley — New York Herald." The names
of British embassadors, and many other visitors, are
also written or carved conspicuously on the col
umns of the different edifices. The grandest build
ing must have been the Hall of Xerxes, which con
sisted of a massive roof supported by seventy-two
columns, each seventy feet high and six feet in diam
eter.

Alexander visited Persepolis, and it is supposed
burned its palaces. Behind the ruins, excavated in
solid rock, are several tombs. The tomb of Darius
is said to be at Nakh-i-Rustam. It consists of a
Greek cross, sculptured in the face of a vertical
cliff about two hundred feet high. In the center of
the cross a door leads into a gallery excavated par
allel to the horizontal arm. From the inner face of
the gallery, if like the one we entered at Persepolis,
three arched recesses are excavated, each of which
contains two graves sunk beneath the floor. Above
the door, on the horizontal arm, there are two tiers
of human figures in bass-relief. At the top of the
vertical arm there is a figure of the sun, and below
it an altar of fire. Standing in front of the altar, a
bow in his hand, the king adores the source of light
and heat. To-day in Teheran the fire-worshipers
render the sun the same homage as in the days of
Cyrus. Neither Christianity, nor astronomy, nor
the persecuting power of Mohammedanism, has suf
ficed to turn them from their ignorant worship.
They move among the Persians probably the only
true descendants of the people who lived twenty-
four centuries ago when the empire was at the ze
nith of its power.

Foreign Military Observations. 363

Leaving Persepolis and Nakh - i - Rustam we
passed on to Saidan, where we spent the night.

Wednesday, 8th. — We proceeded to Dehbid. On
our way we passed the tomb of Cyrus. It stands
in a large plain about six thousand feet above the
sea, surrounded by low mountains. The tomb,
which looks like a small, one-story rectangular
house, with massive roof and eaves, rests on a pyram
idal pedestal, the steps of which are composed of
blocks of marble nine feet long and three feet high.
Around the base of the pyramid are fragments of
columns which probably supported a stone roof
above the tomb. Notwithstanding this edifice has
disappeared, the elements for centuries have beaten
in vain against the mausoleum of the great king.
His sarcophagus is gone, his ashes are scattered to
the winds, but his sepulchre still stands, almost the
only monument of the greatness of his reign.

Near by is a solitary column about fifty feet
high, and a high wall, the end of a hall, the only
remains of the city of Pasargardas. Among the
many visitors to the tomb of Cyrus was Alexander.
Unlike visitors at Persepolis, he did not inscribe his
name thereon, but wrote it in blood from the gulf
of Issus to the valley of the Indus.

Leaving Dehbid at 6 A. M., we spent the night of
the Qth at Abadeh, the night of the loth at Kume-
sheh, and arrived at Ispahan at 3.30 P. M. on the
nth, where we were the guests of Mr. Bruce, an
English missionary. This brave man has had a
hard time among the Armenians and Mussulmans.
Four times he has been shot at, but still continues
to work in the hope of success.

364 Emory Upton.

Ispahan lies in a large plain, with mountains ris
ing in every direction. The soil is cultivated ex
clusively by irrigation, not only by artificial streams
brought along the surface of the ground, but by
subterranean streams brought from the mountains
miles away.

To dig one of these streams, they sink a well
near the base of the mountains till they find a spring
of living water large enough to supply a stream
three or four feet wide and a foot in depth. The
first well is sometimes as many as three hundred
feet deep. Having found water, they sink other
wells, about every hundred feet, along the line of
the proposed stream, the bottoms of which are on
the same level as the first. A channel is then dug
from the bottom of one well to another until, as the
wells gradually decrease in depth, the water is
brought to the surface miles from the source. On
leaving Ispahan we followed one of these connauts,
as they are called, for forty miles.

As soon as the water is brought to the surface it
is conducted in ditches to the small fields, varying
in size from one hundred to one thousand or two
thousand square feet. For the purpose of being
flooded, the fields are separated from each other by
a raised furrow about a foot high. It is only after
seeing the immense labor the poor people of Persia
have to perform before receiving a grain from the
soil, that one can appreciate the blessing of living
in a country of rains and fruitful seasons.

At Ispahan we called upon the governor, who,
although the eldest son of the Shah, is not the heir
to the throne, as he was not born of a princess. The

Foreign Military Observations. 365

heir is Governor of Tabriz, but is now in Teheran,
where he has come to pay his respects to the Shah,
on the opening of the New Year.

From Ispahan we came through to Teheran in
four days, stopping the first night (i3th) at Soh.
The I4th we crossed the pass of Kohrud, eight
thousand eight hundred feet above the sea. Not
withstanding the elevation and snow, we suffered
more from the heat, and reflection of the sun, than
on any day since leaving Bushire. The night of
the I4th we spent at Kashan; the night of the
1 5th at Pul-i-dilak; and on the i6th, at 5.30, arrived
at the British legation in Teheran.

The last two days from Ispahan we rode one
hundred and sixty miles ; on the other days we
averaged from fifty to seventy.

The country from Bushire to Teheran is the
most arid I have ever seen, and the poverty of the
people passes description. During the famine of
i87i-'/2 one fifth of the population — more than a
million souls — perished from starvation. In some
villages and districts every man and beast per
ished. The people were so hungry that, when dogs
were shot in the streets, they tore them to pieces
and devoured their flesh raw. Even in Teheran
the dead were allowed to decay in the streets. In
some places children fell victims to the hunger of
their parents.

On our way to Shiraz I visited a village. It con
sisted of a low stone shed, inclosing a court about
one hundred feet square. In the center of the court
was a huge pile of manure, and several stagnant
pools of discolored water. The rooms which faced

366 Emory Upton.

the court were not more than ten feet square, and
were without beds, windows, or floors. The people
sleep on felts and skins, spread on the ground,
and, to make up as much as possible for the want
of fire, they bring their sheep and calves into their
rooms to avail themselves of their animal heat.
In the stalls I have described, which we would
not use for the meanest of domestic animals, were
crowded together one hundred and fifty men,
women, and children, the picture of misery, filth,
and despair.

This village was but one of many we passed
along our route. We saw several which had been
completely depopulated by the famine. Ruin every
where prevailed. Even a large portion of Ispahan,
which two hundred years ago was a city of several
hundred thousand people, was a heap of rubbish
and deserted walls. Most of the houses, including
the roofs, are built of mud mixed with straw.

In cities like Shiraz and Ispahan the bazaars are
built of brick, the streets being completely arched
over, so that when one approaches the city he enters
a tunnel, and emerges at a point several hundred
yards away. On each side of the street, within the
arcade, every article of merchandise is exposed to
the best advantage. The salesmen sit cross-legged
awaiting customers. If so fortunate as to be driv
ing a bargain, a fierce discussion at once ensues, in
which everybody is free to participate. Between
the booths, an incessant crowd of people, horses,
mules, camels, and donkeys, move up and down, but
never in a hurry. The measured sound of bells,
swinging slowly from one side to the other beneath

Foreign Military Observations. 367

the necks of camels, tells of the arrival of caravans
from distant parts of the empire.

No heavy stages or express-wagons are seen lum
bering through the streets. As you crowd your
way along, with perhaps the Mohammedans curs
ing you, and the camels gazing at you with their
meaningless brown eyes, you feel that you are in a
strange land in the far East.

In the days of Ahasuerus, Haman asked for the
extermination of the Jews, and the king granted his
request. Queen Esther, at Ihe peril of her life,
begged for her people ; and, when Haman had met
his fate, the king sent orders to the Jews to defend
themselves. He could not revoke his first law, but
the second gave courage to the Jews, and when as
sailed they slew five hundred people within the pal
ace. To-day, the Shah could sport in the same
manner with the lives of his people. Here, as in
China, monarchy and absolutism culminate, and cor
ruption is the order of the day. Even the Shah
takes bribes, and when he wishes to extort money
he announces a visit to some distant province, in
order that the governors and officials may buy him
off, rather than incur the expense of entertaining
him. When he travels, his soldiers, like a swarm of
locusts, devour the sustenance of the people.

Governorships are bought and sold ; and, when
the revenue is not forthcoming, the people are
squeezed till they yield the last farthing.

TEHERAN, March 20, 1876.

When I left Bushire, supposing the fatigues of
our journey would be great, I resolved not to write

368 Emory Upton.

any letters till our arrival at Constantinople, but to
day the English courier goes out, and I avail myself
of the opportunity of sending you a line.

We left Bushire on the 28th ultimo, and came
through in sixteen days, averaging from Shiraz
from fifty to eighty miles per day. Were I writing
to E , I could give her some idea of the coun
try by comparing it with New Mexico and Arizona,
but I am glad you have never seen anything ap
proaching it. India, China, and Japan give you
some idea of wealth, but in Persia all is poverty
and wretchedness. Things, however, are relative,
and, I doubt not, the Persian whose ancestors have
for centuries wrapped themselves in skins and felts,
and slept on clay floors, thinks himself quite as well
off as the laborers of America who enjoy the luxury
of comfortable homes. Everywhere mud stares you
in the face. Wells, houses, caravansaries, and even
palaces are built of this ugly, cheap material. The
rapidity with which the buildings wash away in
heavy rains gives the entire country the appearance
of being in ruins. I am glad to have seen Persia,
but, were I now permitted to leave it, I would go
off as the crow flies.

The population is, of course, mostly Moham
medan, but in Shiraz, Ispahan, and Teheran, there
are many Armenians. There are also some fire-
worshipers, who still hold to the religion of the
days of Cyrus. Ten days ago I saw them at wor
ship. Their walls were draped in mourning, and
they were wailing and weeping most piteously.

The Armenians, until England interceded for
them, were almost in a condition of slavery. They

Foreign Military Observations. 369

could not ride in a public street, and they were per
mitted to be robbed by Mussulmans with impunity.
Their form of worship is almost like that of the
Roman Catholics, and their morality is but little
above that of the Mohammedans. It is principally
among them that our missionaries are employed.
There are two American missionaries in Teheran
and one also at Tabreez. Mr. Thompson invited the
missionaries to meet us at one of the two dinners
he gave in honor of our arrival.

I can not tell you how anxious I am to arrive in
Constantinople, nor how glad I shall be when, in
December, I turn my face toward home. Do the
best I can, it is difficult to observe the Sabbath as I
would like, and, while traveling, there is not the
time nor the opportunity to observe the hours of
devotion which your o\vn home and occupations
permit. Nevertheless, I find peace and comfort in
this dreary land. Emily's Testament and the little
book of Psalms which you gave me are my constant
companions, and I read them daily with comfort to
my soul.

We shall leave here on Wednesday, the 22d,
and shall go, via Tabreez, Tiflis, and Poti, to Con
stantinople, where we hope to arrive on the I5th of
April. There nearly four months' mail awaits us.

Our party look as brown as the Indians of the
plains. My nose has peeled, and my ears have
been as badly swollen by heat as they could have
been by cold. In addition to this, an incipient
beard, which I shall cut off at Naples, does not add
to my personal appearance. To-morrow we attend
the reception of the Shah, given in honor of the

370 Emory Upton.

opening of the new year. It is a ceremony which
one cares to see but once. The diplomatic corps
do not remove their shoes when they enter the
presence of the Shah, but, by the terms of their
treaties, they have to wear goloshes or overshoes,
which they remove in the court of the palace.

We have all been very much distressed by the
telegram, and, if it be true that the one of our
Cabinet ministers whom we supposed to possess
the most integrity has been guilty of corruption,
it is time for the American people to take the sub
ject of civil-service reform in hand. Beggarly
salaries and rotation in office are gradually under
mining the integrity of all our public servants, and,
unless checked, will surely lead to disaster. The
English minister at Teheran receives a salary of
twenty-five thousand dollars in gold, is provided
with a house elegantly furnished, and is supplied
with a corps of trained servants. We ask a man to
serve us as Secretary of State or War for eight
thousand a year, and to pay all of his expenses. I
love my country as much as any of its citizens, but
I can not shut my eyes to its meanness.

TIFLIS, CAUCASUS, April 12, 1876.

It gives me no little satisfaction to inform you
of our safe arrival here. We came in last night
in a coach and six, our conduct eur blowing his
bugle with all his might. The journey across
Central Asia is finished, and, while it has been
fatiguing and very uncomfortable, has yet been
enjoyable and full of instruction. We have seen
Persia, an empire almost as old as China, and are

Foreign Military Observations. 371

now enabled to compare Asiatic with European
civilization.

You can not imagine the change we already per
ceive. At Julfa, on the Araxes, the frontier post
of Russia, it was clear there was a change of gov
ernment. The villages were no longer built exclu
sively of mud, but here and there were substantial
one-storied houses, built of dressed stone. From
the mouth of the Peiho to the river Araxes we
have seen nothing but mud — mud houses, mud
stables, mud mosques, mud palaces, and mud
bridges. From Bushire to Teheran we did not see
nor meet a wheeled vehicle. Everything is trans
ported on camels, horses, mules, and donkeys. The
entire country is reduced to poverty, and I be
lieve no civilized people on earth enjoy so few of
the creature comforts of life as the Persians. Their
mud huts would disgrace the farm-yard of the poor
est families of America. The Shah lives in grand
state, resplendent in his diamonds, while his gov
ernors are sent forth to wring the last quoan from
the peasant which is not necessary to support life.
We now turn to Europe. Already we can see that
under Russian rule the citizen can accumulate and
enjoy his property. When he dies, his emperor
does not seize all of his effects, but the law gives
them to his heirs and he can live in comfort, and
also in the anticipation of making his children com
fortable.

We shall spend about a week here. There is a
military school here and a large garrison to look
into, particularly the organization of the Cossacks,
and this can not be done much within the time

372 Emory Upton.

stated. In passing through Tabreez we stopped with
Mr. Easton, an American missionary who came on
with us to Tiflis. As he knew Turkish well, he was
of good service. The feature of our trip from
Tabreez was the view of Mount Ararat. It stood
out a graceful cone seventeen thousand feet high,
rising like Vesuvius from a large plain. Close to it,
and actually a part of it, stands Little Ararat, eleven
thousand feet high. We climbed the mountain
nearly to the snow-line, but had to give up the fur
ther ascent on account of a rain-storm that envel
oped the summit.

Nakh-i-chiwan is so named because there Noah is
supposed to have descended. We visited his tomb,
but, as it did not appear to be more than fifty years
old, we were at liberty to reject the tradition. The
tomb of Cyrus, at Passargade, bears plainly the
marks of twenty or more centuries ; but the tomb of
Noah, instead of being built of huge blocks of mar
ble, was made of soft brick, incapable of resisting
for even a century the severe weather of the Cau
casus. Please excuse my writing ; there has been
an earthquake since commencing my letter.

CONSTANTINOPLE, May 7, 1876.

When I arrived I found two dozen letters await
ing me at the minister's. Craving for news from
home, many I read before leaving the legation, but
yours I reserved for the quiet of my own room.

The one from Philadelphia impressed me deeply.
Never was Christian sympathy offered more oppor
tunely, nor do I believe more gratefully received.
I feel for exactly as you do. He has sinned

Foreign Military Observations. 373

and sinned deeply, and his sin does not consist in
being found out. " Against thee, thee only, have I
sinned, and done this evil in thy sight, that thou
mightest be justified when thou speakest and be
clear when thou judgest."

The beauty of the fifty-first Psalm never im
pressed itself upon me until you spoke of it one day
in connection with a negro who had committed

murder. Your letter about I have given to

Forsyth and Major Sanger to read, and I know it
will produce a deep effect upon them. Before I
came here I had resolved to write to him, but I
wished to wait until I could learn the particulars of
his offense. Then came your letter, and I at once
put my resolution into effect.

He can not construe sympathy with approval of
his conduct, and it will certainly do him good to
know that those upon whom he has bestowed so
much kindness will not forsake him. God be with
him, and grant that he may not be hardened by his
offense, but be led to repentance, forgiveness, and
peace ! I do not wonder the country has been
shocked by the disclosure, and that now so much
distrust is entertained in regard to all our public
servants. We need reform, permanent and sure —
not a wave of indignation that sweeps a few knaves
from office, to be succeeded only by others, but a
new system that shall induce good men to enter the
service of the Government. A one-term President,
life-tenure, and good salaries, must lie at the foun
dation of any system that will bear good results.
I need not tell you how much I enjoyed all the de
tails of home news. , . I have read some of Mr.

374 Emory Upton.

Moody 's sermons with great interest. They are
not strong, but power seems to pervade them. He
must have the gift of the Holy Spirit, and I hope
his success may awaken the ministry to a new sense
of their duty. There is too much shirking the right
way to awaken men to a sense of their short-com
ings. Fraud, violence, peculation, dishonesty, and
hypocrisy are never mentioned from the pulpit.

When I see the good Moody does, I wonder
that the ministry is so supine. Why do they preach
year in and year out to the ninety-and-nine that
need no repentance, and leave the hundredth to
perish — rather, the millions ? Preaching always to
the same congregation, they do not appreciate the
application of the parable of the lost sheep, nor
realize that in making the ministry a lucrative pro
fession they have surrendered the manly independ
ence so conspicuous in the character of all reform
ers. " The children of darkness are wiser in their
day and generation than the children of light."

If the politicians wish to carry an election in
a doubtful State, they at once send abroad for all
the powerful speakers in their party. Why do not
the ministers imitate them ? Why, at least for two
months every year, do not the ablest ministers ex
change pulpits ? If Dr. Hall were to go to Buffalo
for a couple of months, thousands of people would
go to hear him who never enter a church-door, just
as in New York Moody has attracted crowds whose
sole curiosity at first was to know " what will this
babbler say ? "

Again, they could speak the truth, denounce
sins by name, and not "fear a commotion. Let the

Foreign Military Observations. 375

wealthy congregations which hang with delight on
the eloquent words of their preachers make this
sacrifice, and feel that, as a Christian duty they en
able their pastors to go forth to other cities and
proclaim the glad tidings. This subject has often
been on my mind. The plan would be a simple
one, and were there a few congregations to com
mence it, the results, I believe, would be astound
ing. Have you ever .spoken to your many influen
tial friends about it ? To-day, for the first time
since leaving Bombay, I have had the privilege of
attending the communion-table. I hope so long an
interval will not occur again.

The news has just come that the French and
German consuls have been murdered at Salonica.
If true, it may be the beginning of the end of the
Eastern question.

This is a great city, and I do not wonder that
Russia covets it. But she is not yet ready to move.
North of the Black Sea there is a country as fertile
as the great plains of Illinois, almost unpopulated.
This must be settled up, and when an industrious
population begins to find itself hemmed in by the
Black Sea it will look southward to the other shore
and demand the possession of the Golden Gate
way.

We leave here on Tuesday for Naples, calling
en route at Smyrna, Ephesus, Athens, Corinth, and
Brindisi. At Tabreez we had our photographs
taken. The dark individual in the background is
the cook who wished to give us our soup in our
wash-bowls. He is a good specimen of the Per
sian.

376 Emory Upton.

ROME, May 28, 1876,

From Constantinople we took steamer for Na
ples, touching at Smyrna for twelve hours, which
enabled us to visit Ephesus, distant by rail forty-
nine miles. We saw the prison where St. Paul was
reported to have been confined, also the ruins of
the theatre where the silversmiths and the mob
shouted for two hours, " Great is Diana of the Ephe-
sians ! " Of the Temple of Diana nothing remains
but the foundations. From Smyrna our steamer
went to Athens, where she stopped over twenty-
four hours, giving us ample time to see the Acropo
lis, surrounded by the Parthenon, the grandest of
all Grecian ruins. Near by was Mars Hill, from
which St. Paul, where the Athenians had gathered
together to hear " what will this babbler say ? " de
livered his memorable address. Leaving Athens,
we went to Sicily, stopping twelve hours at Mes
sina. A carriage-ride of six miles took us to the
famous Charybdis, opposite to which and four
miles off is the equally celebrated Scylla. We
passed between the rock and whirlpool without en
countering any of the dangers so often alluded to
in young ladies' compositions, and next touched at
Palermo, where we were allowed two days. The
Bay of Palermo is one of the most beautiful in the
world, and the city, too, is worthy of its situation.
We left Palermo in a sirocco, and had the most
boisterous weather since leaving San Francisco.
For the third time only we had racks in our tables.
At Naples I completed my tour around the world,
as I was there in 1868. The Sunday after our ar
rival I passed at Sorrento, where my precious

Foreign Military Observations. 377

Emily spent a month with me in 1868. From Na
ples we came here by rail. I am glad once more
to be in the land of railroads. The time at sea
seems a dead loss. Now we can come and go
when and where we please.

ROME, June 4, 1876.

Last Sunday evening I went to the church where
the nuns sang, and from which Emily retired with
such deep religious impressions. The music was
not so celestial as on that occasion. For days it
ran in my mind, and it seemed as if I could not
forget it. To-day at church, in the hymn-book I
opened at the hymn prefaced with " Thy will be
done," and to the verse —

" If Thou dost call me to resign
What most I prize,
It ne'er was mine ;
I only yield Thee what is Thine —
Thy will be done."

I thank Him who taught us this prayer, and who
bore all of our sorrows, that I can repeat it and
now be grateful for the hope submission has given.

The service this morning was held in the new
Episcopal church, which is scarcely more than
roofed in. When finished it will be quite pretty.
After service I remained at communion, which
quite a number attended. Several Italians came
into the church during service and looked on with
curiosity.

A great change has come over the city since the
occupation of the Italians. The atmosphere seems
free, and the place has already made great strides
in the way of building and improvements. In seek-

378 Emory Upton.

ing military information I see a good deal of the
Italian officers. They are all bitter against the Pope
and priesthood. One told me there was no religion
in Rome, only superstition, and quoted an old prov
erb, " If you want to become a heretic, go to Rome."
Another told me that not one officer in a hundred
went to church except to see the pictures. It is
not a feeling of infidelity or atheism that controls
them, but disgust at the dissolute lives of the
priests. No man ever goes to confession, except,
perhaps, during Holy Week, when the priest
touches him on the head with a cane, and, without
opening his mouth, he goes away believing his sins
are forgiven. One of the officers told me that the
Protestant schools were increasing, and that the
Methodists had twenty or more. Time must work
reform. There is too much intelligence to permit
religion to be made a mockery of much longer.

I shall get away from here this week, and, after
visiting the military establishments of Florence,
Turin, and Milan, hope to reach St. Petersburg by
July ist.

GENEVA, June 25, 1876.

It seems quite near home to get a letter from
you dated June 2d. The American travelers were
not very handsome, although their dress was con
sidered the finest that had been seen in Persia. So
much does locality control taste !

General Sherman, when I visited St. Louis en
route to San Francisco, told me not to attempt to
present the military organization of Europe in my
report; that all I need to do would be to write
four or five hundred pages of conclusions. Since

Foreign Military Observations. 379

arriving in Europe, I have discovered that our
military organization is so worthless that now I
feel that even a thousand pages would not suffice
to show it up. I do not know where I shall go on
my return, but undoubtedly five or six months will
be required to write my report, and this time will
have to be spent in Washington, where I can have
access to official data that I shall need for my argu
ment. Yesterday morning I left Turin, and saw
en route the Mont Cenis Tunnel. Down deep in
the bowels of the earth, it will endure throughout
time a monument of man's greatness. En route to
St. Petersburg I have stolen four or five days to
see the delightful scenery of Switzerland. Military
matters keep me now very busy, and I often find
myself too tired to sleep. Three or four days' re
laxation will do me good.

ST. PETERSBURG, July 16, 1876.

In Geneva I met a graduate of West Point of
the class of 1874. He told me that " Benedicite,"
one of the books given to his class, had found its
way to Geneva, and was being read with great
interest by a gentleman friend. The cadet read it
and sent it to his father, who sent it to the gentle
man.

My second trip into Russia is as interesting as
the first. From Warsaw to Moscow, two days by
rail, the country is an unbroken plain. Over the
long, tedious route now traversed in so few hours
the army of Napoleon toiled for months toward the
goal which, no sooner than possessed, was envel
oped in flames. Their victory turned to ashes, the

380 Emory Upton.

weary retreat began with death before them in all
its forms. I could not but think constantly of the
sufferings of that gallant army as I rode so com
fortably toward the commercial capital of the Rus
sian Empire. All along the route we passed through
villages of the emancipated serfs. No marks of im
provement were visible ; no new houses told of the
increasing prosperity of its humble occupants. In
Russia, the nobles and the rich are exempt from
taxation, and the burden falls on the peasant. All
that he gets beyond the necessaries of life goes to
the tax-collector. He lives in a log-hut with a
thatched roof, and in winter shares his abode with
his sheep, his cattle, and his pigs. The clothes that
he puts on in autumn remain on his body till
spring, and, next to the beasts, he must be the filthi
est of all animals. Time must change all this, and
now mutterings are heard against the privileges
which give luxury to one class and degradation to
another.

As I look out of my window I can see St. Isaac's
Cathedral, one of the finest edifices in Christendom.
The great pillars of red granite, the bronze bas-
reliefs, the angels in bronze crowning the angles,
and the dream of a dome covered with heavy gilt,
are wonders of architecture. Within are rich mar
bles and several Corinthian columns of malachite.
The church ranks, I think, next to the Milan Cathe
dral.

July 27, 1876.

Having a day of unexpected leisure, I shall em
ploy a part of it in writing a short letter to you. I
arrived here on the I3th, and, had I not been

Foreign Military Observations. 381

schooled in patience, would be very much disgusted
at the progress I have made, for I have not yet
gained the slightest military information in regard '
to the Russian army. Everything is bound up in
red-tape, and it takes time to cut it. Last Sunday
and Monday I was at the camp and was presented
to the Emperor. I should have a very poor opinion
of you if you could not hold a more interesting
conversation with a Russian than the Emperor
did with me. " When have you come? " " When
have you come ? " " You have come to see the
camp ? " " How long you will stay ? " constituted the
essence of his remarks. In reply, being in the face
of royalty, and not at liberty to speak except when
spoken to, I was supposed to excel him in brevity,
which was not difficult to do. There may be suffi
cient reason for imposing the above rule, for no
doubt thousands of people would like to enlighten
royalty by expressing views in season and out of
season ; but, looking on the Emperor as a miserable,
sinful man, subject to all the weaknesses and pas
sions of human nature, I could not but compare the
interviews he deigns to accord to his fellow-men
with that accorded to his humblest child by the
King of kings and the Lord of lords. He who
laid the foundations of the earth, the Maker of all
things visible and invisible, tells us that his ears
are ever open to our prayers, and bids us to come
into his presence with joy and thanksgiving. No
liveried servants bid us wait. No courtiers, shining
in reflected light, can bar us from his presence. He
meets us not in gilded palaces, but in the secret of
the closet, where he imparts to us the communion

382 Emory Upton.

of his Holy Spirit, and fills our hearts with joy and
peace.

TZARSKOYE-SELO, August 2O, 1876.

The heat all over America must have been fright
ful. Here it is so chilly that during the manoeuvres
I wear double suits of winter under-clothes, the
only means I have of keeping warm, as etiquette
forbids any person riding in the suite of the Em
peror to wear an overcoat except when his Majesty
is so clad.

Foreign officers visiting the camp are treated in
such a manner as to shame our government. We
have a carriage constantly at our disposal. On
days of ceremony we drive to the rendezvous of the
troops, and there take beautiful saddle-horses, which
belong to us during our stay. Since we came here,
the Crown Prince of Italy, and the Kings of Den
mark and Greece, with their consorts, have visited
the Russian capital, and we have been present at all
the ceremonies in their honor. The reviews are
the perfection of military pageants.

When the Empress comes on the ground, the
Emperor places himself at the head of his army and
presents the troops amid the strains of martial
music and hurrahs of the soldiers. The cheers are
not always enthusiastic. The soldier, with his
mouth half open and a stereotyped grin on his face,
looks about as animated as the statues one sees of
the " Laughing Faun." In stolidity and stupidity I
have never seen anything approaching the Russian
peasant.

After each ceremony or manoeuvre is over, break
fast is served in one of the palaces for the suite and

Foreign Military Observations. 383

the strangers, who number, all told, about one hun
dred. Dinner follows at six o'clock. At both
breakfast and dinner five or six varieties of the
choicest wines are provided from the imperial cel
lars. I am told that the dinners cost about five
pounds a head. If so, there is need of reform in
Russia. The horses required for the service of the
suite and the strangers number seven hundred and
fifty. As in the course of the manoeuvres we mi
grate from palace to palace, you can imagine what
must be the expense of maintaining a movable
hotel, with guests, horses and carriages, and other
impedimenta in proportion.

The Emperor has been very kind to us, and once,
in common with the other foreign generals, I have
had the pleasure of dining with him. He speaks
French and German fluently, but is not so strong in
English. Last Friday we had a beautiful ceremony
in the fete of the regiment Probrijensky, or Trans
figuration. Each regiment bears the name of some
holy or saint's day, and on its recurrence celebrates
it as we celebrate Christmas. On this occasion the
regiment was formed on three sides of a square, and
religious services were held in the center, accord
ing to the rites of the Greek Church. At the con
clusion of the ceremony the Emperor and imperial
family went forward and kissed the cross, after
which holy^water wras sprinkled on the colors, and
successively on all the men. After the ceremony
was over, a breakfast was given to the men, consist
ing of black bread, soup, cold meat, and beer. Near
by, under a canopy, breakfast was served for the
Emperor and his guests.

384 Emory Upton.

When nearly over, the men rushed up in front
of his Majesty, and loudly cheered the Kings of
Denmark and Greece, and also the Emperor after
he had proposed the health of the regiment.

The afternoon was spent in witnessing a bom
bardment of a field fortification, and at six o'clock
the Emperor gave a dinner to the officers of the
regiment whose hospitality he had enjoyed in the
morning.

This dinner was made the occasion of decorating
the foreign generals who were visiting the camp.
On being spoken to about receiving this mark of
imperial favor, I informed the officer that our Con
stitution forbade us to receive a foreign decoration,
and that, with thanks, we would have to decline.
At dinner we therefore saw the French, Austrian,
and German generals with crimson scarfs and
crosses of Ste. Anne or Stanislaus, while Forsyth
and I sat modestly and contented by in our plain
but not ugly uniforms.

The absence of decoration at once made us con
spicuous in the presence of the whole company, so
when the dinner was over, in order to show that no
slight had been intended, the Emperor and Grand
Duke Nicholas, his brother, came to us and held
quite a long conversation. I felt rather proud than
otherwise to be able to decline a favor from the
Autocrat of all the Russias, which has no more sig
nificance than our own much-abused brevets.

Our visit here has given us as much of an in
sight into royalty as we had in India. We are now
near the close of the Russian manoeuvres, and will
soon be on our way to Berlin and Vienna. Time

Foreign Military Observations. 385

rushes headlong-, and before we know it we will be
rolling and pitching- on the Atlantic.

BERLIN, October 8, 1876.

I fear I shall not be able to get away from Berlin
before the ist of November. The disagreeable ex
perience we have had with our legation has cost us
ten days, not to speak of the failure to see the ma
noeuvres.

Berlin is a beautiful city, and the people impress
me most favorably. If the Germans are not all
blondes, the freshness and joyousness of their com
plexion are pleasant to behold. This applies to the
women as much as to the men. The former, like
Englishwomen, seem to enjoy better health than
their sisters in America. I do not know to what it
can be due, unless we ascribe it to the tonic effects
of ale or beer.

The soldiers are handsome, cleanly young fel
lows, from twenty to twenty-three years of age.
Their bearing denotes a good discipline, while the
cheerful face shows an absence of oppression. The
officers, who are well dressed, have no swagger, but
they walk with the self-consciousness that, in the
social scale, they stand next to the Kaiser.

I was somewhat surprised by the question ad
dressed me by an officer of t|ie famous German
staff, who wanted to know whether our government
or court language was French or English. There
are a great many Europeans whose minds are
cloudy on this subject. The amusements of Berlin
are very inviting and inexpensive. You can take a
family of ten to hear the best orchestra in the world
17

386 Emory Upton.

(Belse's), and have a private box, for a dollar and a
quarter. If all drink beer at six and a half cents a
glass, the total will be one dollar and ninety cents.

At this place you see the best families. The
ladies take their knitting or crocheting ; each family
takes its table, and for three hours they listen to
classic music, and drink their beer or sip their tea
or coffee. At ten o'clock all amusements close, and
the people go home, unless a cafi or restaurant
tempts the appetite.

The German Government is all red-tape. It
took two weeks to get permission to see what our
War Department would have granted in half an
hour.

With regard to coming to Willowbrook to write
my report, the result of six months' labor there

would be nil. When A is at Willowbrook he

succeeds in reading many books, but he does so by
going to the library immediately after breakfast,
lighting his pipe, and turning a deaf ear to every
proposal to go to Auburn or elsewhere. While he
concentrates his attention I dissipate mine, and all
my thoughts go fugitive. I might as well try to
capture a flock of wild pigeons as to capture my
thoughts and arrange them in logical order for offi
cial use. I shall, therefore, have to go to Washing
ton, where I shall have access to books, papers, and
figures, and other notes necessary for my argu
ment.

I shall devote most of my attention to the sub
ject of officers, and to showing our reckless extrava
gance in making war. When Germany fought
France she put her army on a war-footing in eight

Foreign Military Observations. 387

days, and in eight days more she had four hundred •
thousand men on French territory. It took us from
April, 1 86 1, to March, 1862, to form an army of the
same size at an expense of nearly eight hundred
millions of dollars. We can not maintain a great
army in peace, but we can provide a scheme for .
officering a large force in time of war, and such a
scheme is deserving of study.

My stay here is about over. I have been per
mitted to see the military schools and have learned
much of the military system of Germany. How
completely the nation is given over to warlike
preparation is shown by the boys, who wear mili
tary caps, and by both boys and girls, who carry
their books to and from school in knapsacks. This
strain can not last long. After the late war, Parlia
ment tied its own hands by voting supplies for
seven years. When that period expires, discussion
will again be resumed.

CHAPTER X.

REPORT ON THE ARMIES OF EUROPE AND ASIA.

TRAVELING in a foreign land appears, to a youth
ful, romantic mind, the most pleasant of all possible
occupations. Every one hopes at some future time
to go beyond the narrow confines of his native
place, and to view with his own eyes the wonders
of other countries. And whenever circumstances
so order affairs as to make this dream a reality, the
expectant Ulysses bids a hearty but hurried adieu
to his home and friends, and turns his face longingly
toward the distant shores. But here also anticipa
tion, like all other pleasures, is found to surpass
possession. The looked-for pleasure soon becomes
fatigue, and finally satiety, ennui, homesickness,
unite to turn the wearied traveler willingly back to
his kindred and friends.

This experience, in its inception, growth, and
maturity, is plainly shown in the home letters of
General Upton, even before he had reached the
boundaries of Europe. But, tethered by the bonds
of official duty, he was forced to observe, record,
and study the matters connected with his profes
sion, and to endure as best he could the delays
which official etiquette constantly interposed in his
path. But, when his last official act was completed,

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 389

like an escaped prisoner he gladly hastened home
ward.

After reporting for duty to the War Depart
ment, and upon the termination of a short leave
granted him ior the purpose of visiting his relatives,
General Upton was assigned to duty at the artil
lery-school of practice at Fortress Monroe, where
he reported March i, 1877.

This school, established for the proper instruc
tion of the subaltern artillery-officers of the army in
the professional branches relating to their arm of
the service, had been in successful operation for
several years, and General Upton was at once put
in charge of the instruction in military engineering,
the art of war, law, and infantry tactics. Under his
direction other officers were specifically intrusted
with the direct management of these several de
partments of instruction.

In the art of war, and especially in that division
relating to strategy and grand tactics, he was an
enthusiast, and the success which attended his in
struction in these branches was that which usually
attends the master of an art who is at the same time
a thorough teacher. He inspired his pupils with
something of his own enthusiastic devotion, and
succeeded in arousing the liveliest interest by perti
nent illustrations from historical sources, exemplify
ing and illuminating each particular principle under
discussion. In the study of these principles, from
the simple to the more abstruse, he listened patient
ly to the crude explanation offered by each young
officer, and then, by just criticism and careful cor
rection, he swept away all difficulties, unraveled all

390 Emory Upton.

intricacies, and presented the finished problem so
completely solved as to excite the greatest interest
and to command the closest attention. His ad
mirable analysis of each particular example taken
from past history almost invariably commended
itself to the growing judgment of his younger as
sociates, and impressed them with the highest con
fidence in his judgment, and an admiration for his
undoubted attainments as a general. In this respect,
therefore, his tour of duty at Fortress Monroe will
have its future importance and value in the fruit
that will ripen from the seeds of professional in
struction planted in the minds of those young offi
cers who enjoyed the great benefit of his personal
and official companionship at this period of their
army training. Thus, the time available for the
preparation of his report, being that left after the
performance of his duties as an instructor, was
necessarily limited. Day by day, as opportunity
offered, he collected and arranged the military data
from his voluminous notes, and digested his obser
vations relating to the organization of foreign
armies. It was a labor of no little magnitude to
condense these into a professional report which
would at the same time be compact and yet com
prehensive in all of its details. But with untiring
zeal and indefatigable labor he held steadfastly to
his task, and, having obtained the requisite author
ity, he finally completed his report in a published
book of over four hundred pages.* It is not possi
ble nor necessary to give here anything more than
a brief rdsumt of this work to enable the reader to

* "Armies of Asia and Europe," D. Appleton & Co., 1878.

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 391

acquire an intelligent opinion of its scope and char
acter. But, for the military student to get a com
prehensive view of his tour and to obtain a sound
knowledge of its important lessons, a careful study
of the report itself is indispensable.

General Upton possessed peculiar fitness for the
duty to which he was assigned, and the means
placed at his disposal for the accomplishment of his
task were commensurate with its importance. To
these points, therefore, it is well to refer briefly.

As his story so far shows, it is evident that he
was an officer of rare merit and of excellent judg
ment and character; a graduate of the Military
Academy, a brilliant commander of artillery, infant
ry, and cavalry during the late war, and the author
of the infantry tactics in use in the army and militia.
He had just completed an honorable tour of five
years of duty as instructor of tactics and comman
dant of cadets at West Point, and was generally
conceded to be one of the most accomplished sol
diers of his day, an untiring, faithful, and methodical
student of his profession, and was constantly sup
ported by a genuine enthusiasm for the art of war.
He was animated by an earnest desire to see his
country free itself from the disadvantages of a
policy of expedients, and establish a simple, eco
nomical, and efficient military system adapted to its
real necessities, and governed by such just and cor
rect principles as have been approved by all modern
nations, as well as confirmed by its own bitter ex
perience. Such was the man and such his capabili
ties for the task assigned to him.

Owing to the world- wide reputation which the

392 Emory Upton.

United States had gained in her unbounded re
sources, her untiring and steadfast adherence to prin
ciple, her immense sacrifices and expenditures in the
successful prosecution and in the prestige arising
from its happy termination of a great war, any of
her military representatives would thus have been
assured of the kindest reception from foreign gov
ernments. But Upton's commendatory letters con
tained something more than the usual diplomatic
compliments. They were charged with expressions
of appreciation of his character as a soldier of more
than usual reputation, and thus insured a more than
courteous reception, and a more thorough insight
into military affairs. Possibly, moreover, as his
country could in no way be regarded as an antago
nist in a military or political sense, a greater lati
tude was allowed him as its representative in what
ever investigations he wished to make in the art of
war. Thus was the way made much more open
than it would have been to one from a nation more
deeply interested individually in the concerns of
Europe or Asia.

To give the reader an insight only into the im
portant deductions which General Upton drew
from his observations, we will briefly condense his
conclusions in the several important fields of his in
vestigation, and, without further apology, make use
of his own language whenever this may be practi
cable and convenient :

ARMY OF JAPAN. — Previous to 1867, the ideas
which prevailed in the organization of this army,
and in its military affairs, were not those of mod-

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 393

ern civilization. But in 1867, upon the solicitation
of the Tycoon, a French commission was invited
to undertake the task of instructing the Japanese
troops in the tactics and regulations of the several
arms of the service. But the revolution of 1868,
which had for its principal object the restoration
of the temporal power of the Mikado, brought the
work of this military commission to a speedy close.

The Mikado, impressed by the importance of
the modern system of the art of war, and desirous
of firmly establishing his government, issued in
1871 his decree which established the imperial
army of Japan, and obtained the aid of another
French commission to organize and discipline it.
This commission arrived in Japan in 1872. At the
time of Upton's visit, it had aleady established at
Yeddo the necessary institutions for the education
of officers and non-commissioned officers in the
various military branches, its military academy be
ing modeled upon that of the United States at
West Point.

The Japanese army was reorganized on a basis
of one thousand men to each million inhabitants,
for the peace establishment, with proper facilities
for enlargement in time of war. The arms, equip
ment, drill, and discipline were modeled after the
French types. Within three years (the interval be
tween the arrival of the commission and General
Upton's visit), substantial barracks had been erect
ed, permanent institutions founded, and the army
passed from the condition of an undisciplined
horde to a respectably organized force. Insurrec
tions no longer could gather headway, and success

394 Emory Upton.

attended Japanese military operations in Formosa
and Corea. Japan, in the opinion of General Up
ton, turned at once from the stage of barbaric de
cadence to a progressive growth in civilization and
enlightenment.

ARMY OF CHINA. — The numerical strength of
the Chinese army can not be definitely stated, but
is variously estimated at from half a million to a
million men. It consists of the regular troops of
infantry and cavalry stationed at Peking, with those
at Hai-tien, and a hereditary or privileged soldiery
called " Bannermen." These latter troops are sel
dom required to drill, and are therefore undisci
plined, and are poorly armed.

Each province is obliged to support all the
forces needed for its own defense and for that re
quired for the defense of the empire, and hence the
governors of provinces in time of peace seek to re
duce their military forces to a minimum ; corrup
tion of the most flagrant kind exists, and its baleful
influence permeates the military as well as the civil
administration. China is as backward in its tactics
as in its armament, and the military drills are mere
burlesques compared with those of other armies.
In China the profession of arms is without honor.
Soldiers are considered as the refuse of society,
and by the policy of the Government both officers
and men are kept in hopeless ignorance, and are de
void of sentiments of magnanimity. The efficiency
of the separate parts of the Chinese army depends
on the character of the governor or highest civil
authority that rules each province. But, lacking
uniformity in their aims and methods, uniformity

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 395

is also wanting in the army ; so that the troops in
no two provinces are alike armed and equipped,
but are as diverse as the characters of the govern
ors who control them. Indeed, the result of Gen
eral Upton's observations can be tersely stated to be
that in no particular is there anything to be emu
lated, but everything to be avoided. The policy of
China is essentially peaceful, but she has been twice
subjugated, and to-day bears the yoke of a foreign
dynasty whose ancestors were despised as barbari
ans. Within our own time repeated rebellions have
imperiled the existence of the Government, and
have only been suppressed after years of devasta
tion, cruelty, and carnage. In the great Taeping
rebellion the Government forces were repeatedly
put to flight by the unorganized hordes who sought
to throw off the imperial yoke, until finally China
was obliged to call in foreign aid to recapture her
cities.

Conquered by Mongols and Manchoos, the pres
ent dynasty, ruling nearly four hundred million
people, and boasting of an army of more than five
hundred thousand men, has suffered within a few
years a European army of less than twenty thou
sand men to march to its capital and dictate the
terms of peace.

China, servile in her admiration of the wisdom
of past ages, attaining the highest stage of pagan
civilization centuries before her competitors sprang
into existence, remains motionless, a prey to corrup
tion and discord. Without well-organized forces,
without good roads or other means of speedy con
centration, her seaboard provinces and even her

396 Emory Upton.

capital lie at the mercy of her enemies. If, revers
ing the picture, she were to adopt the Christian civ
ilization ; were to encourage purity, justice, truth,
and integrity, by recognizing, as the basis of human
action, responsibility to divine power ; if, imitating
the example of Japan, she were to establish schools
and academies for the education of the officers and
men of her army and navy, and were to make them
feel that they were honored agents for the preser
vation of peace at home and to insure respect
abroad — who could compute the vast resources and
military strength of her people ?

The realization of visions of peace and of con
quest is within her grasp, but, delivered over to
weakness, cruelty, ignorance, and superstition, his
tory has yet to record whether she shall continue
to be an independent nation, or, like India, become
the vassal of a nobler people.

ARMY OF INDIA. — Upon the transfer of the gov
ernment of India from the East India Company to
the Crown, a complete reorganization of the army
was effected. The causes which led to this were
briefly these, viz. :

i. Irregular regiments, hastily equipped and led
by brave and skillful English officers, fought with a
zeal and steadiness approaching, if not equaling,
that of the native regiments in the regular establish
ment. Owing to evils of detached service, by which
many of the twenty-five European officers of each
regiment sought employment in civil and political
positions, these latter regiments were left in the hands
of boys fresh from England who were without the
slightest military experience ; and, even when this

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 397

did not occur, those who remained with their regi
ments in time of peace, and were ambitious of dis
tinction, were superseded at the opening of a cam
paign by officers hastily ordered back, whom years
of detached service had unfitted for command.

2. The periods of detached service being indefi
nite, many officers sought exemption from the hard
ships and restraints of military discipline, knowing
that the surest road to distinction lay in the civil
service, in which officers were frequently appointed
governors of millions of people.

3. Having grown old in such service, having en
joyed its pleasures and honors, having forgotten
their tactics and regulations, their return to military
duty produced jealousy and confusion, and was fol
lowed by the most dangerous and criminal of all
experiments, that of sending men into action under
incompetent leaders.

Therefore, since the irregular regiments fought
well during the mutiny under three or four English
officers, it was to be hoped that each regular regi
ment should do equally good service at least with
seven or eight English officers, instead of twenty-
five, and thus leave a surplus available for staff duty
and detached service. From this idea came the or
ganization of a staff corps in each presidency, em
bracing the combatant and non-combatant officers
of the old Indian army.

For these reasons all the officers then in the staff,
the artillery, and cavalry were ultimately merged
into one body, " the staff corps," in each of the three
presidencies of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras. The
transfer of an officer to this corps was conditioned

398 Emory Upton.

upon a certain proficiency in the native languages,
in such a knowledge of his drill and duty as to
qualify him to command a company of troops in all
situations, and that his record should be such, while
serving with his regiment, as to give evidence of
his qualifications and fitness. This covers his pro
bationary period, and he is then required to pass an
examination of considerable range to test his mili
tary study and attainments.

After assignment to the staff corps, which is the
ultimate destination of every European officer of
the Indian army, the variety of service which they
undergo is unequaled by that in any army in the
world. Thus, they may serve in the commissariat,
adjutant-general's, quartermaster-general's, or pub
lic works departments, with the native infantry or
cavalry, or in the various branches of the civil
service.

General Upton concludes that the military insti
tutions of India present more features for our imi
tation than those of any army or country in Europe.
In leading troops to battle the greatest skill is re
quired on the part of officers, especially when the
latter have but little confidence in themselves and
in their subaltern or company officers. In this re
spect England has set us an example of distributing
military talent which, had it been followed by our
Government in the late civil war, would have saved
thousands of lives and millions of treasure. In
another respect her example, in the opinion of the
author, is worthy of imitation ; for she has suc
ceeded with an army of two hundred thousand men
in conquering and keeping in subjection an empire

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 399

of two hundred million without a single permanent
staff corps. In our army all three corps are closed ;
the appointments are permanent, and no means are
provided to weed out the inefficient or to encourage
the aspiring. The military policy of the Govern
ment of India has unquestionably produced a bene
ficial effect in India upon the corps of officers, and
has imparted to them a variety of military knowl
edge and experience not possessed by any other
army.

At Calcutta we met a colonel who was a civil
and military governor of four millions of people ;
at Muscat and Bushire military officers were in
trusted with the diplomatic relations of India with
Arabia and Persia ; at the camp of Delhi the adju
tant-general had previously been quartermaster-
general, and was anticipating the expiration of his
five years' service, which would give him the com
mand of a brigade or a division.

All the officers we met at Delhi and elsewrhere
in India gave evidence that, whether in a military
or civil capacity, they had been acting in spheres
of responsibility far greater than those occupied
by officers of other armies, and as a consequence
showed a capacity and self-confidence far above
their rank. The results attained in India are worthy
of our closest study, and suggest whether in the im
pending reorganization of our army we should not
as the first step establish a vital and interchangeable
relation between the staff and the line. This idea will
be found to have become a fruitful one in Upton's
later life, and one which became the most potent in
influencing his subsequent activity and labors.

4OO Emory Upton.

THE ARMY OF PERSIA. — The effect of Asiatic
civilization is conspicuously illustrated in the army
of Persia. Corruption pervades every branch of
military administration. The soldier who is too
poor to escape the draft buys his time from his offi
cers, and frequently remains at home when he is
supposed to be in the ranks on the distant frontier.
Even when following the colors of his regiment, by
relinquishing his pay he may ply his trade or freely
engage in commercial pursuits. Ordinarily the
soldiers are small money-lenders, and the cavalry
soldiers, with equal aptitude for gain, frequently
hire out their horses or donkeys, and become the
carriers of the country.

So prevalent is the employment of soldiers in all
trades and professions that, when at Teheran re
views or manoeuvres are ordered, it is not uncom
mon to see workmen, not suspected of being sol
diers, drop their tools, don their uniforms, and take
their places in the ranks. The duty completed, they
return their clothing and muskets to the depot, and
again resume work.

All these irregularities are well known, and are
encouraged by the officers, who, in consequence of
low salaries, seek through corrupt practices to eke
out the means of support.

In no service in the world is it difficult for offi
cers without principle to rob their government, and
at the same time keep their accounts with apparent
exactness. To avoid the danger of false muster, the
soldier who is permanently absent is replaced by a
substitute, who serves at a lower price ; to enable
the officers to draw his pay, the soldier simply leaves

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 401

in their possession his seal with his name, which the
substitute attaches to the rolls.

With such relations between officers and sol
diers it is impossible for discipline to survive. The
substitutes only receive the instruction necessary
to personate the soldiers who are absent, and so
ignorant are they of arms and their use that only
those which are worthless are placed in their hands.
The drill is nothing but noise and display. The
manoeuvres are of the simplest kind. There is
no commissariat ; each infantryman provides his
own food, and each cavalryman his rations and
forage. As each soldier knows he must eat, he
forages at every opportunity, and transports his
supplies on a horse or donkey. There being no
wagon-routes, wheeled vehicles are practically un
known, and, as a consequence, the number of ani
mals accompanying an army often exceeds the num
ber of men.

Bordered by Russia on the north, open to attack
from Turkey on the west, accessible to England on
the south, future events may soon prove that the
capital of Persia, like that of all countries where
military institutions are neglected, lies at the mercy
of a few disciplined battalions.

Before passing to the consideration of the mili
tary organizations of Europe, General Upton thus
alludes to the future of India, and it will be seen
that, writing nearly ten years ago, he has, with
remarkable prophetic vision, clearly foreshadowed
much of what has already become established his
torical fact :

402 Emory Upton.

The largest concentration of troops in any one
district in India is in the Punjaub, where there are
from thirty to thirty-five thousand men, or nearly
one half the force of the Bengal Presidency. It
was through this door that Alexander, Genghis
Khan, and Tamerlane entered India, and it is the
door through which many Indian officers confident
ly expect the Russians.

The continued occupation of India by England
must afford a subject of deep speculation to states
men, and all the causes that may contribute to pro
long her rule deserve attentive consideration. . . .
Since the mutiny was crushed, the whole face of
India has changed. The Suez Canal enables Eng
lish troops to be landed at Bombay in fewer weeks
than before it took months, while the great lines of
railway permit them to be sent directly to every
important part of the empire.

But without aid from England the railway sys
tem by itself is sufficient to enable sixty thousand
British troops to hold India almost indefinitely,
even against the defection of the entire native
army. Starting from Bombay, one trunk line goes
to Madras, and, by its branches, opens up all of the
southern peninsula; another stretches across to
Allahabad, and connects with the great line of the
Ganges, already completed from Calcutta to within
two hundred miles of Peshawer; a second cross-
line is in process of construction from Agra in the
direction of Ahmedabad, and is completed to Nus-
seerabad ; while a third cross-line from Lahore is
completed to Mooltan, and will soon be extended

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 403

down the Indus to Kurrachee. As the link between
Madras and Calcutta may be supplied by sea, four
great lines of communication will shortly be opened
from the shores of the Indian Ocean to the lines of
the Ganges.

As the time has passed when the fate of India
can be decided by a single battle, the lines of rail
way will be equally important in resisting invasion
and in preserving peace.

Thoroughly prepared to suppress insurrection
and rebellion, it is only when England beholds the
encroachments of Russia that she becomes alarmed
for her Eastern possessions. Like a wild beast gloat
ing over its prey, she is conscious that the actual or
supposed discontent of her subjects invites foreign
nations to their rescue. Napoleon thought of eman
cipating them, and to Russia is ascribed the inherit
ance of his designs. Jealous of her great Northern
rival, and not considering the barren wastes which
extend hundreds of miles to the north and west of
her frontiers, a future invasion, like a hideous night
mare, disturbs the dreams of the Indian rulers. The
recent successes of Russia in Central Asia, by means
of which the frontiers of the two powers have been
brought nearly into contact, have increased the
alarm ; while the present Avar between Russia and
the Turks is regarded as the sure forerunner of the
great conflict.

With vast possessions stretching across two con
tinents, and with only one natural outlet to the At
lantic, Russia feels that geographically she has a
right to Constantinople, and, by the force of tradi
tion, no less than by the irresistible weight of her

404 Emory Upton.

seventy million people, she demands, and ultimate
ly will conquer, a free passage to the sea.

The expulsion of the Turks from Europe, when
ever it may occur, will increase the dangers of Eng
land. Availing themselves of the sympathy of their
co-religionists, who revere the Sultan as the suc
cessor of the Prophet, it is not impossible that the
Turks should seek to indemnify themselves in Asia
for their losses in Europe.

Largely outnumbering the Persians, and in every
respect superior to them, the weakness of that king
dom invites subjugation ; pressing onward in the
footsteps of Alexander and Tamerlane, forty million
Mohammedans stretch forth their hands for deliv
erance, and long for the restoration of the empire
of the Moguls.

This may not be accomplished in one or a dozen
campaigns ; but, supported and encouraged by Rus
sia, repeated invasions may involve the Indian Gov
ernment in such expenditures as to induce it, in
deference to an opinion already existing in England,
to abandon India to her fate. But, without dwell
ing on the probabilities of Turkish aggrandizement,
it is possible that the fate of India may be settled
nearer home.

Constantly increasing, by her Eastern policy, the
deadly feeling of hostility which already exists in
Eussia against her, the moment the former occupies
Constantinople, England must seize upon Egypt.
Once secure in Constantinople, the fleets of England
can no longer oppose the designs of Russia. Con
verting the Black Sea into an inland lake, thus in
suring her communications, a railroad from Trebi-

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 405

zond across to the valley of the Euphrates, and
thence on to Damascus, will place Russia on the
flank of England's line of communication. Thus
brought face to face it is not impossible that these
two great powers may change the face of Asia on
the famous plain of Esdraelon.

General Upton prefaces the results of his study
and observations of the military organizations of
Europe with these remarks :

The study of military organization, to be profit
able, must not only embrace the objects for which
armies are raised, but the means adopted to enable
them to accomplish these objects.

A glance at the armies of Asia shows that the
Government of Japan, adopting a new civilization,
has preserved its authority and consolidated its
power by the maintenance of a military force of
thirty-five thousand men, bearing the ratio of one
thousand men to every million inhabitants.

In China an army varying from five hundred
thousand to one million men, bearing the ratio of
one or two thousand to every one million of the
population, through corrupt and faulty organiza
tion is unable to preserve the peace. As a conse
quence, insurrection and rebellion frequently del
uge the country with blood.

In India, as in Japan, a well-organized army of
two hundred thousand men, bearing the ratio of
one thousand to one million inhabitants, preserves
tranquillity throughout the empire.

The chief object of all these armies is the main
tenance of order and peace within their borders.

406 Emory Upton.

Turning from Asia to Europe, a remarkable con
trast is presented. Claiming a higher civilization,
we find from six to eight million young men taken
from the family, the field, and the workshops to
compose armies whose object is less the preserva
tion of peace and the present status of their gov
ernment than to contend for new territory and in
creased power in the ceaseless struggle for ascend
ency which has characterized the history of Europe
for the past thousand years.

To enable these vast armies to accomplish their
mission, not only are the national resources ex
hausted, but human ingenuity is taxed to the ut
most.

With the object for which they are maintained
clearly in view, it is to the armies of Europe that
we ought to look for the best military models ; and
if, through remoteness from formidable neighbors,
or through the difference of our institutions, we are
permitted to deviate from these models, either in
details or in numbers, it should be only for such
reasons as commend themselves to common sense,
and can be vindicated by the wisdom and experi
ence of other nations no less than ourselves.

After giving in sufficient detail the strength of
the armies of Italy, Russia, Austria, Germany,
France, and England, together with a succinct ex
planation of the organization of the various staff
departments, and the means employed for the re
cruiting of troops and education of the officers, our
author devotes considerable attention to the modi
fications which have resulted from the modern im
provements in fire-arms, and in the tactics at pres-

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 407

ent existing among the infantry of the several coun
tries. He then sums up in a comprehensive and
yet compact form the conclusions applicable to our
own service, and presents his views of the necessary
reforms that should receive the attention of our
Government.

These conclusions are at once so forcible and so
radical in their scope that no mere brief can prop
erly present them to the reader or military student.
They demand earnest study on the part of every
military man, and the freest discussion, before pre
conceived notions, or the conservative influence of
previous training in our present military organiza
tion, can properly present objections to their forci
ble arguments.

In presenting the general principles which have
governed the military nations of Europe in the or
ganization of armies, Upton groups these in twenty-
three statements.

Culling from these principles, we quote only
those which are of the greatest importance, using
his own forcible language, as the most efficacious
for the general reader to get an outline of the con
clusions to which his study and observation brought
him.

Every citizen, in consideration of the protection
extended to his life and property, is held to owe
military service to his government. To equalize
the burdens of military service, and to facilitate the
equipment and mobilization of troops, each country
is divided into military districts, to which are per
manently assigned army corps, divisions, brigades,

408 Emory Upton.

regiments, and battalions, which draw from the dis
tricts all their recruits both in peace and war.

The army is maintained on two distinct foot
ings — that of peace and war — each of which is de
termined by political considerations and financial
resources ; the ratio being generally that of one to
two. The army on the peace-footing is but a train
ing-school to prepare officers and men for efficient
service in time of Avar. The duration of military
service and general principle of drafting recruits
are similar in all European countries ; so that there
exists in all a force undergoing training, called the
regular or standing army ; a part which has com
pleted its active service, called the reserve ; another
the army of the second line, composed of troops of
all arms, soldiers who have before served with the
colors ; and, finally, the great body of male citizens
subject to military service in times of extreme ne
cessity.

The line officers are in general educated for the
military profession, at military academies, or are
promoted from the ranks after displaying fitness
for subordinate commands. The general staff offi
cers, who acquire the highest professional training
and widest experience, are required to alternate
their service in the staff with service in the line.
They thus keep in sympathy with the troops, know
their wants and fighting qualities, and know how
to manceuvre them in nearly every emergency that
may arise.

Annual or biennial reports are required of com
manding officers, which show the zeal, aptitude,
special qualification, and personal character of every

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 409

subordinate under their command. Officers who
manifest decided zeal and professional ability may
be rewarded by rapid promotion. Those who dis
play ignorance or incompetence, as evidenced by
personal reports and special examinations, are not
promoted, it being held that officers are maintained
for the sole benefit of the Government.

The Government increases its chances of suc
cess, promotes economy, and preserves the morale of
the troops, by keeping the regiments, batteries, and
squadrons up to their fighting strength. Detached
service is avoided by setting aside in each organi
zation a number of non-combatants, such as arti
ficers, teamsters, etc., who are never counted in the
fighting strength. The vacancies in each organiza
tion are filled partly by men who have formerly
served with the colors, and partly by recruits, who
are soon taught by the old soldiers. The evil of
detached service among officers is avoided by a
complete staff organization on an independent foot
ing, and especially by a separate organization of
artillery and general military trains.

By the application of these principles Prussia,
in 1866, was enabled to dictate terms of peace to
Austria after a short campaign of six weeks ; while
in 1870, between the i$th of July and the ist of
September, Germany mobilized her forces, crossed
the frontier, overwhelmed a great army, forced it
to seek the shelter of its fortifications, securely in
vested it, captured an emperor at the head of a
relieving army, and destroyed what was supposed
to be the strongest military empire on the globe.
In the first war the Prussian loss in killed, including

18

410 Emory Upton.

those who died of wounds and disease, was 10,877,
and in the latter war the total loss was 40,881.

If we now compare our military policy during
the first century of the republic with the present
military policy of European nations, we shall find
that the difference lies principally in this — that,
while they prosecute their wars exclusively with
trained armies, completely organized in all their
parts, and led by officers specially educated, we
have begun and have prosecuted most of our wars
with raw troops whose officers have had to be edu
cated in the expensive school of war. As the re
sult of this policy the duration of our wars and
the number of men called out have been as follows :

War of the Revolution. . . .7 years 395.858

War of 1812 2^ •• 509,808

War with Mexico 2 " 100,454

War of the rebellion 4 " 2,683,759

In the war of the rebellion our losses in killed,
including those who died of wounds and disease,
were 304,369. The losses of the Confederates, as
nearly as can be determined, were between two
hundred and two hundred and fifty thousand men,
making the total number of citizens who perished
in the war exceed half a million.

Our author concludes that in order to diminish
the disparity in the loss of life, due to the difference
between our military policy and that of Europe,
two plans suggest themselves, either of which, if
matured in time of peace, and adhered to in time of
war, will enable us to prosecute our future cam
paigns with economy and dispatch.

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 411

The first plan is to so organize, localize, and
nationalize the regular army that by the mere pro
cess of filling its cadres it may be expanded to such
proportions as to enable it, without other aid, to
bring our wars to a speedy conclusion.

The second plan is to prosecute our future wars
with volunteer infantry, supported by the regular
artillery and cavalry, apportioning the regular offi
cers among the volunteers in such a manner that all
of the staff departments, and, if possible, all of the
companies, battalions, brigades, and higher organi
zations shall be trained and commanded by officers
of military education and experience.

Both of these plans, to be efficacious, must rest
on the same foundation, viz. :

1. The declaration that every able-bodied male
citizen, between certain ages, owes his country mili
tary service — a principle thoroughly republican in
its nature, as it classifies in the same category and
exposes to the same hardships the rich and the poor,
the professional and non-professional, the skilled
and unskilled, the educated and uneducated.

2. The division of the country into military dis
tricts and sub-districts, apportioning to them cer
tain military organizations whose cadres shall be
recruited within the limits assigned.

3. The abandonment by the Government of all
payment of bounties, relying upon its right to draft
men into the service whenever a district fails to fur
nish its quota.

4. The assumption by the Government of the
recruitment of its armies through the medium of
the provost-marshal-general's department, as was

412 Emory Upton.

done by both governments toward the close of the
late war.

5. The inauguration of all the machinery for en
rolling and drafting the moment war is declared.

6. The organization of regiments in all arms of
the service, as in Europe, with depots representing
them in the districts to which they belong, upon
which depots requisitions shall be made by regi
mental commanders whenever vacancies are to be
filled. It should be the duty of each depot to re
ceive, arm, equip, and train all the recruits who
volunteer or are drafted, and to forward them to
their regiments ; also, whenever recruits are wanted
or men desert, to notify the provost-marshal of the
district that the quota is deficient, in order that the
number may be immediately supplied by volunteer
ing or drafting.

7. All commissions to be issued by the President,
apportioning the extra appointments among the
States or military districts according to the number
of troops furnished.

8. All commissions in the expanded organization
to be provisional for the war ; one third of the pro
motions to be reserved for distinguished skill and
gallantry in battle, and to be made only on the
recommendation of military commanders in the field
or upon the report of boards specially appointed to
investigate the act of skill or gallantry.

9. Promotion of all officers, after expansion, to
be made on two lists — one being that of the regular
arm of service, or staff department, to which the
officer belongs, the second being the provisional list
in the arm of service to which he is apportioned.

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 413

Each officer, on the contraction of the army, to re
turn to duty with the rank attained in the regular
list; one third of the promotions in the regular list
to be regarded as original vacancies, to be filled by
selection from the provisional list, no officer on the
regular list being advanced more than one grade at
a time ; all promotions to the grade of second-lieu
tenant in the regular list to be made from cadets
graduating from the Military Academy, and from
lieutenants on the provisional list.

In the further presentation of this subject the
author states that " neither of these plans can be
successfully executed, nor can any other plan be
devised for prosecuting our wars with economy of
life and treasure, without special legislation looking
to the increased efficiency and radical reorganiza
tion of the army." He then proceeds to discuss in
detail the various branches of this important sub
ject — the staff, personal reports, the suggested re
organization of the adjutant-general's department,
the quartermaster's, the pay, signal, artillery and
ordnance, and engineer corps. He next supple
ments this with his views as to the organization
of the various arms of the service, both on a peace
and war footing, and shows that his proposed peace
establishment can be made expansive for time of
war by the addition of two hundred and ten offi
cers, and a slight diminution in the strength of the
enlisted men over that required by the present in-
expansive organization. The whole of his conclu
sions, being based on a careful study of foreign sys
tems, and properly modified by the results of his
own experience in our own service in peace and

414 Emory Upton.

war, are worthy of and entitled to the careful study
of our military officers and statesmen. He says,
finally :

• In drawing my conclusions I have not been in
fluenced by convictions as to what plans may or
may not be adopted ; but, recognizing in the fullest
degree that our present geographical isolation hap
pily relieves us from the necessity of maintaining a
large standing army, I have sought to present the
best system to meet the demands of judicious econ
omy in peace, and to avert unnecessary extrava
gance, disaster, and bloodshed in time of war.

Should we recoil before the small expenditures
required to give us most of the advantages of an
expansive peace establishment? We ought to bear
in mind that in interest alone on our national debt,
mostly accumulated as the fruit of an expensive
military policy, we have paid in the last ten years
more than eleven hundred and fifty million dollars.

The organization of national volunteers would
give us in time of peace a regular army, a reserve,
and the militia, and would enable us in time of war
to prosecute our campaigns with vigor and econ
omy, and with that regard for human life which be
comes a free people.

In presenting this comprehensive report of his
investigations abroad, it is needless to say that his
conclusions and recommendations attracted the at
tention of the military profession, and created an
active discussion on its merits in the daily press and
military journals. And, while adverse criticisms of

The Armies of Europe and Asia. 415

many of its minor points were made, it is believed
that no sound objection has been made or can be
made against it as a whole. The question has not
been settled as to what shall be our future military
organization, but many of our prominent civil and
military men are agreed that the present system is
obsolete, and must be abandoned in the near future.
Whatever new system may replace it, it is certain
that the main features must be very similar to those
which have been so boldly sketched by General
Upton.

CHAPTER XL

THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

AN earnest believer in the existence of those
higher qualities of our nature which cement men
together in the strong bonds of brotherly comrade
ship, General Upton was capable of the most loyal
friendship. His education and life in the army had
fostered this natural tendency, and he had made
many close friends, to whom he was in the habit
of openly confiding the thoughts, opinions, and as
pirations which actuated him through life. To one
especially, Colonel Henry A. Du Pont, he was deep
ly attached. Classmates at West Point, brother ar
tillery-officers during the war, associated for months
together on the Board for the Assimilation of Tac
tics, and in constant, unrestricted correspondence,
Upton's loyal heart experienced a reciprocity of af
fection peculiarly gratifying and almost essential to
the demands of his nature.

Du Pont, who had gained the honors of his class
at West Point, possessed a fine literary taste and a
cultivated intellect which attracted and charmed Up
ton's practical and active mind. The special char
acteristics of each were complementary, but not an
tagonistic, and it was natural, therefore, that Upton,
in writing his report, should turn to Du Pont for
that criticism which he so much needed for his own

Military Policy of the United States. 417

encouragement and confidence. In full sympathy
with Upton's aims, Du Pont freely placed his talents
at his friend's disposal.

This generosity on the one part and its recogni
tion on the other are evident in the following ex
tracts taken from letters written by Upton to Du
Pont. These, also, show how the vastly more im
portant work, " The Military Policy of the United
States," grew out of the study of his report on the
" Armies of Asia and Europe " ; and, finally, they are
valuable in exhibiting the origin of some of the
more important views accepted by Upton as the
fundamental principles upon which he construct
ed his " Military Policy."

He was led to the study of our military history,
and to seek the causes of our existing military pol
icy, in contrasting the condition of our army with
those of other countries. He very soon found that
a thorough mastery of his subject necessitated care
ful historical research, a close scrutiny of recorded
events, and an unsparing sacrifice of all his leisure
time. But he also became convinced that he had
happened on a mine which, properly worked, would
yield a treasure of the greatest value to his profes
sion, and, above all, to the country. He therefore
resolved to undertake its systematic development.

While he did not live to complete his work, yet
it was in such a condition at the time of his death
that it only required some finishing touches. These
could best be given by his devoted friend Colonel
Du Pont, to whom, with firm reliance in his ability
and friendship, he confided the completion of his
task.

4i 8 Emory Upton.

Having been permitted to read the original
manuscript of Upton's work by the courtesy of the
editor, in order to embody a brief outline of its
scope in this memoir, we finished the perusal with
a deep sense of the military ability, enthusiastic
patriotism, and wise statesmanship which animated
its author from the beginning to the end.

The extracts of the letters referred to above
form a sufficient introduction to this outline :

FORT MONROE, April i, 1877. — . . . My new
duties will be very congenial to me. I have super
intendence of all the studies of the officers and of
the practical duties in infantry. In the one depart
ment of strategy and grand tactics I shall hope to
repay to the Government all of the expense it in
curred in sending me abroad.

West Point is, in my judgment, far superior to
any academy abroad for preparatory training of
officers. But, once in the service, we have nothing
to compare with the war academies of Europe, ex-
cept the Artillery School. You know how igno
rant our generals were, during the war, of all the
principles of generalship. Here, I think, we can
correct that defect and form a corps of officers who
in any future contest may prove the chief reliance
of the Government.

My report has yet to be written. I doubt not
it will disappoint many people, as I intend to ex
pose the vices of our system, instead of simply de
scribing the organizations abroad. We can not
Germanize, neither is it desirable, but we can ap
ply the principles of common sense, and by devis-

Military Policy of the United States. 419

ing a plan in time of peace save the Government,
in the event of war, much of the blood and treasure
it has expended in its former contests.

September 30, 1877. — . . . I am going to trace
our military policy from the beginning of the Revo
lutionary War to the present time, and, if possible,
expose its folly and criminality. In reading over
Washington's letters, I find many valuable descrip
tions of the very system that we are pursuing to
day. The account of the battle of the Brandy-
wine was very interesting. Although it can not be
claimed that our forefathers distinguished them
selves on that day, Congress thought proper to
reward their valor by voting a bounty of thirty
hogsheads of rum as a compliment to their gallant
services.

April n, 1878. — . . . I have, as I have already
informed you, the intention of writing a book called
" The Military Policy of the United States," but by
severely quoting history it would so bear down
upon the militia as to make such an uproar as pos
sibly to destroy the value of the book. Should we
have war with England, ten or twenty years hence,
and begin it as we did the last war, even with fifty
thousand regulars, she could lay every one of our
large sea-coast cities under contribution, and it
would require two or three years to shake her off.
I have a large amount of material already col
lected and arranged. Tell me what you think of
the project.

The present drift of politics is leading to the
destruction of property, and I would not be sur
prised to see universal repudiation of State and

420 Emory Upton.

municipal debts, accompanied by great private dis
tress and prostration of business. In such a case
our military policy would be as wretched and fee
ble as that of China.

November 6, 1878. — . . . I send by express what
I consider the driest chapter of my proposed book,
extending from the War of 1812 to the Florida War.
The manuscript of the Revolution takes up two
hundred and thirty-five pages ; from the Revolu
tion to 1812, one hundred pages; War of 1812, one
hundred and fifty pages ; this chapter, seventy-
six ; total, five hundred and fifty -five pages. The
Florida War, Mexican War, rebellion, and conclu
sion, will take as much more. I have given up the
hope of making the book popular with the general
reader, as, to give it value with Senators and Rep
resentatives, it must be filled with facts and statis
tics. Please criticise what you see, as a friend, not
sparing my feelings. Tell me if there is a spirit of
captiousness, fault-finding, or personal prejudice.
. . . General Sherman is very anxious to have me
go on with the work, but he tells me that I will re
ceive much abuse. He has read up to the War of
1812, and says I arraign the politicians as " extrava
gantly blind." My endeavor is to trace responsi
bility in every instance to its source, as the only
means of producing a change for the better.

November 19, i8j8. — The manuscript arrived this
evening, and, after glancing over your criticisms
and suggestions, there is scarcely one that I shall
not be glad to adopt. Where you say I am too
strong, I shall carefully amend. The one danger to
which I am exposed is putting things in an offensive

Military Policy of the United States. 421

light, when bare facts would better speak for them
selves Both General Sherman and General Gar-
field have read the manuscript up to this chapter.
The War of 1812 I feared would disgust them, but
they say it is all right, adding the caution that I
ought to fortify every assertion. . . . The book can
not do immediate good, so I shall be in no hurry.
The facts, however, may in future be of service to
the statesman, and hence I am willing to collect
them. The abuse for my pains I expect will be un
limited. . . . You ask if the President has dele
gated to generals the power to call out the militia.
It was done during the Florida War, and also at the
beginning of the Mexican War. In the late war the
Fifth Artillery and all the new infantry regiments
were raised by proclamation of President Lincoln,
for which he could have been impeached, but Con
gress afterward legalized his action. I shall try to
bring out all these facts, to show that our danger
lies, not in having a regular army, but in the want
of one.

November 28, 1878. — . . . Your difficulty about
the militia, I think, has been solved by substituting
the word " authorized " for " delegated." In the
Seminole War General Jackson was authorized to
call out the militia, but he was berated by the Sen
ate committee for substituting volunteers instead.

January 13, i8jq. — . . . I have glanced over your
criticisms and suggestions sufficiently to discover
that the manuscript can be greatly improved.
They have been made with your usual care and
judgment, and I am very grateful for them. Your
criticism on my tendency to long sentences is emi-

422 Emory Upton.

nently just, and I shall profit by it. I never get
involved in one without thinking of Evarts. ... I
feel that in submitting the manuscript to you, I
shall escape much criticism not only as to style but
to manner. . . . The book ought to be a candid
presentation of facts bearing always on the final re
sponsibility of Congress.

Until our Representatives appreciate this re
sponsibility, we shall witness no improvement in
our military policy. The staff, I expect, will defeat
the present bill, and, as a result, the next Congress
will not spare. Very shrewdly they pretend that
it is designed to exalt the General of the Army
above the Secretary of War, or the military above
the civil power.

The facts which you will yet discover will enable
me to take the ground that neither by the Consti
tution nor the laws is the Secretary of War entitled
to exercise command, and that, whenever he de
parts from the sphere of administration to control
military operations, he is nothing more nor less
than a usurper. This is a little strong ; but when
one President has been impeached by the House
for attempting to remove a Secretary who claimed
that his orders were the President's orders, I think
it time that some one should present his position to
the army in its proper light.

The Constitution, laws, decisions of the Supreme
Court, and of the Attorney-General, nowhere give
him the authority to command. In administration
he is independent of the President, and ought to
be, as thereby the purse is separated from the
sword.

Military Policy of the United States. 423

Congress undoubtedly has the right to enable
him to make all contracts for supplies, etc. This
power belongs to it under the constitutional right
to raise and support armies. Could it give him the
right to command, then the army could at any mo
ment pass under the absolute control of Congress.
It was to prevent this that the Constitution declares
that the President shall be the commander-in-chief
of the army and navy. ... I have gone far enough
to see that most of our trouble has been caused by
adhering to the fallacy of State sovereignty, and I
wish, therefore, to develop the supreme power of
Congress to raise armies more fully.

October 31, 1879. — I was much gratified with
your commendation of the tone and method of the
first chapter (of the civil war), and your suggestions
shall be heeded. There should be no confusion in
the names of the classes of troops. Volunteers can
become veterans but not regulars. As to McDowell,
he comes out so badly from the second Bull Run,
that it is but charity to speak a good word for him
at the first. Besides, with raw troops it is neck or
nothing, dash or defeat. McClellan was always ac
cused of being tardy and timid. Jackson, one of
the best leaders of raw troops in history, always
acted with blind confidence. It was the only chance
he had of success. . . . The campaign of 1862 is
very difficult. If I make it short, the reader may
doubt my facts and conclusions. If too long, he
may weary of the subject. If you want to know
who was the cause of a three years' war after we
created a disciplined army of six hundred thousand
men, it was Stanton. But Stanton did not create

424 Emory Upton.

the system — the system created Stanton. This I
wish to prove beyond contradiction.

December 28, 1879. — To-morrow I shall finish the
original draft of the campaign of 1862. Its volume
is startling. Twice I destroyed all that I had fin
ished, because it fell short of carrying conviction.
It may astonish you that I now regard McClellan,
in his military character, as a much-abused man.
For his political blunders he paid the penalty of
removal ; but the difference of opinion between him
and the Administration would probably never have
arisen but for the interference of Stanton. He Avas
at the bottom of all the disasters of the year 1862,
and, if this fact can be established, then the blame
can be laid upon a system which still permits the
Secretary of War to usurp military command. I
began the work with the intention of avoiding poli
tics ; but it is impossible. Every military law has
politics behind it, and the treatment will fall short
unless every defect noticeable in the law is traced
to its final cause.

February 28, 1880. — You know at one time I tried
to avoid political entanglements, but it is impos
sible. When I take up the revision, the fallacy of
State sovereignty must be exposed. It lies at the
root of all the weakness in our military system.
Did you see, for example, in the Florida War, that
we went through the regular steps— first the mili
tia, then the volunteers, and lastly fell back on the
regulars ?

The Mexican chapter brings you up to the re
bellion, but I shall yet have to insert a chapter on
command and administration, which will bring out

Military Policy of the United States. 425

the controversy between General Scott and Jeff
Davis, with the famous decision of Attorney-Gen
eral Gushing, that "the order of a Cabinet minister
is valid, as the order of the President, without any
reference to or consultation with him.'' So long as
this decision stands, we shall have Stantons who will
not hesitate to usurp all the functions of the Presi
dent and the general-in-chief. I shall discuss the
case theoretically, and then trace its influence in
prolonging the rebellion from one to four years.

June 19, 1880. — Sometimes, I am free to admit,
I get discouraged. The McClellan question has
run the manuscript up by nearly four hundred
pages. The campaign of 1862, the most critical of
the war, is hardly in shape for your painstaking
revision. I fear I have made too many quotations,
and yet nothing will be received as condemnatory
of Stanton's interference unless substantiated by
documentary proof.

It will be noticed, from the dates of the above
letters, that Upton accomplished his arduous labor
within the short period of two and a half years, and
this is the more striking when we remember that
he could only devote himself to it in the intervals
occurring between his official duties. So wide is
the range of his researches, and so many and im
portant are the matters that receive his attention,
that it is possible here to give but the merest pass
ing notice of his voluminous manuscript. He has
divided his subject into its several natural and
component parts, and has endeavored to so propor
tion them according to their importance as to form

426 Emory Upton.

a complete and harmonious structure. These di
visions, being those which mark the military epochs
of our history, are :

1. The Military Policy during the Revolution.

2. From the Revolution to the War of 1812.

3. During the War of 1812.

4. From the War of 1812 to the Florida War.

5. During the Florida War.

6. During the Mexican War.

7. From the Mexican War to the War of the
Rebellion.

8. During the rebellion as far as 1862, where
the manuscript ends.

In each of these he gives a brief outline of the
military condition of the country at the commence
ment of the period, the laws which controlled the
military organization, the measures adopted to raise,
equip, arm, subsist, and pay the forces employed,
and an analysis of the several campaigns which
resulted. He searches for the causes that brought
about disaster, shows unmistakably their common
parentage, and proves that most of our difficulties
and dangers have been precipitated by a repeti
tion of blunders which wise legislation and states
manship should have prevented from recurring.
He presents throughout the whole a clearly out
lined military policy, based upon the Constitution,
and demonstrates by irresistible arguments that it
is essential not only for the future prosperity of the
country, but for its continued safety and existence.

The Revolutionary period is characterized by
the most flagrant corruption, the worst of all bad
financial systems, and the most imbecile government

Military Policy of the United States. 427

and control of the army. The history of the war is
the recital of stupendous blunders. It was carried
on by a Continental Congress, destitute of executive
power, issuing " resolves " to practically independ
ent States, whose troops professed no allegiance to
Congress and but little to the States themselves.
The troops, being enlisted for short periods, poorly
armed, ill clad, and half starved, were forced to act
on the defensive against a force superior in numbers
and discipline, and should (by all the laws of proba
bility) have been totally defeated and dispersed.
That one of the foremost military powers of Europe
failed to keep so rich and fertile a country in sub
jection, its people being so few and so disunited,
and controlled by so indifferent a military policy,
will ever be an historical mystery. Yet, by a series
of what we must regard as providential circum
stances, this ragged, half-starved, non-cohesive Con
tinental army contrived to rescue the country from
despotic government. To the blunders of England,
the timely aid of France, and to the peculiar con
dition of European affairs, much of our success was
due. Often so delicately poised was the balance,
that its inclination could scarcely be predicted.
Twice were dictatorial powers conferred on Wash
ington, who, even in the most gloomy period, and
in times of deepest distress, by his steadfast patri
otism, unconquerable tenacity, and undoubted mili
tary talents, dissipated the clouds of discontent and
revivified the national hope. As a central figure in
the Revolution, in encouraging his frozen veterans
to hold fast, to suffer, and to endure, relying on a
future recompense when the present offerings were

428 Emory Upton.

barren, while he was at the same time almost with
out hope of successful resistance, and the victim of
the worst military policy that could be devised by
human ignorance and imbecility, Washington is
without a peer in history. His Revolutionary expe
rience should be made the classic study of every
child in the land, that his example should sink deep
in its mind as the one true type of disinterested
patriotism, and to whom it owes, under Providence,
the blessings of the exuberant freedom that we now
enjoy.

The lessons clearly taught by the Revolution
ary War are outlined briefly: i. Any unwise or
feeble military policy is wasteful in men, money,
and material; no sound reason can "be advanced for
the adoption of such a policy that can not with
equal force be urged for a stronger one. That the
military policy of the Continental Congress result
ed in great losses, and was carried on at great ex
pense and sacrifice, is shown by ample statistics
obtained from the unquestioned authority of the
public records ; the total number of troops enlisted,
many for very short terms, amounted to nearly four
hundred thousand men, and had entailed an expend
iture in pensions alone of over eighty million dol
lars.

2. Any nation attempting to combat disciplined
troops with raw levies must maintain an army at
least double that of the enemy, and even then with
out any guarantee of success. That voluntary en
listments based on patriotic sentiment, or on the
payment of bounties, can not be relied on to supply
troops for a prolonged war, but that the draft,

Military Policy of the United States. 429

either with or without such enlistments, is the only
safe reliance of a government in time of war.

3. That short enlistments at the commencement
of a war compel the Government to resort to boun
ties, or the draft ; that they are always destructive
of discipline, constantly expose an army to disaster,
and inevitably prolong war with its attendant evils.

4. That regular troops engaged for the war are
the only safe reliance, and, in every point of view,
the best and most economical.

5. That discipline gives value to troops ; that it
is the fruit of long training, and can only be had
with a good corps of officers.

6. That the insufficiency of mere numbers to
counterbalance the laxity of discipline should con
vince us that our policy in peace and war should
be to have, in the words of Washington, " a good
rather than a large army."

The mistakes committed during the Revolution
did not prevent their repetition in the succeeding
wars. The exultation and false security which re
sulted from the miraculous preservation of our lib
erties under the most trying and adverse circum
stances, gave birth to a fallacious principle which
has already cost the country great treasure and
thousands of the lives of its best citizens. The
belief that a " standing army is dangerous to the
liberties of the country," readily accepted by the
people, is but a counterfeit truth. Its falsity is ap
parent when the clear distinction is made between
an army of citizens who owe military allegiance to
the country, created by the sovereign will of the
people, and one composed of the hirelings of des-

430 Emory Upton.

potic power. But the fallacious statement has
found favor in the mouths of demagogues, and has
been the key to unlock Pandora's box in the suc
cessive wars that have from time to time occurred.

Passing to the period from the close of the
Revolution till the adoption of the Constitution,
our author shows that, no attention having been
paid to Washington's recommendation regarding
the proper peace establishment, the army became
a mere cipher in efficiency, and this was due to
several causes. State sovereignty was arrayed
against national unity, and was the primary cause.
In 1784 the army was reduced to eighty persons;
in 1785 Congress was forced to increase it to seven
hundred for one year, in order to garrison the fron
tier posts, but the officers were apportioned among
the States from which the troops were drawn. In
1787 the seven hundred men were raised for three
years.

The Constitution created the war power of
Congress, which thereafter became the responsible
agent for the establishment of the armies of the
republic. In 1789 the Secretary of War was made
subject to the President instead of to Congress, and,
because of the serious defect of non-expansion of
the peace establishment, the President could only
call out the militia or the undisciplined troops in
emergencies, but could not increase the regular
army by a single man. By the act of 1791 the
power of appointing officers was transferred from
the President to the Governors of States, and was
practically a return to the methods in use during
the Confederation.

Military Policy of the United States. 431

In his treatment of the subject during this pe
riod, General Upton exhibits the successive changes
in organization through which the army passed,
quoting the acts of Congress relating thereto ;
shows clearly the causes which in the transition
period from the Confederation to the adoption of
the Constitution affected its strength and efficiency;
outlines with sufficient brevity the events in which
conflicts against the operation of law required the
use of armed forces, such as Shays's rebellion in
Massachusetts, and the whisky rebellion in Penn
sylvania, with their attendant lessons ; traces the in
fluence of congressional action in denning, limit
ing, and modifying the powers of the President
and the Secretary of War ; portrays the effect of
the military policy in the disasters attending the
operations of the land-forces in the War of 1812,
and contrasts these with the brilliant victories
gained by the navy, which are shown to be due to
its better policy of administration and superior or
ganization.

It is almost impossible to read with patience, or
without deep humiliation, the recital of the cam
paigns of the War of 1812. The attempts to dis
perse a small force of British regulars which had
captured Hull's army at Detroit, defeated and capt
ured Winchester's command at Frenchtown, once
besieged Fort Meigs, and twice invaded Ohio, and
only met with one small rebuff at the hands of a
stripling of twenty-one years of age, in command of
one hundred and sixty regulars at Fort Stephen-
son, convey a military lesson of the highest impor
tance. Exclusive of the hastily organized and half-

432 Emory Upton.

filled regiments of regulars, it is shown that fifty
thousand militia were called out from the States of
Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, and Vir
ginia, to withstand a force of only eight hundred
British regulars and their Indian allies in the
Northwest. Equal prodigality and humiliation
characterized the operations in the North, and offi
cial data show that during the year 1813 a total
force of sixty-six thousand three hundred and sev
enty-six, mostly militia, were employed to observe a
force of but twenty -six hundred British regulars and
sailors. Employing raw troops and acting on the
principle of short enlistments in the Creek War in
Alabama necessitated the use of fifteen thousand
militia to withstand a force of not more than fifteen
hundred Indians. In 1814 the capture of Washington
and the destruction of its public buildings complet
ed the national humiliation. Intimately connected
with the disasters of that year is the usurpation by
the Secretary of War of military command in the
field, and his interference in the plans of the mili
tary commanders, until the President was forced
to resume his constitutional prerogative, and to
direct that " the Secretary of War should give no
order to any officer commanding a district without
previously receiving Executive sanction."

Even the brilliant victory at New Orleans fur
nishes its example of lack of discipline, insubor
dination, and total disregard of obedience, which
threatened for a time the success of our arms. As
an evidence of our most unfortunate military con
duct of the war, although at the same time of the
liberality of the republic, it is stated that the pen-

Military Policy of the United States, 433

sioners of the War of 1812 received from the public
Treasury, during the fiscal year of i8/3-'74, the sum
of over two million dollars.

In this recital General Upton marshals his his
torical facts in the strongest array, and reaches his
conclusions by reasoning as rigid and unfanciful as
the supporting facts themselves.

Upon the close of the War of 1812 the army, by
the act of March 3, 1815, ceased to be provisional
and became a permanent organization, which, to
gether with an increase in the number of cadets at
the Military Academy, assured the cultivation of
the military art. From this time, whenever the
regular army met the enemy, it gave the best assur
ances of the wisdom of these measures. It not only
sustained the national honor and preserved the mili
tary art, but established the standard of discipline
for the volunteers and militia in future wars, and
furnished competent military commanders whose
records are not without credit.

Passing by the many interesting questions that
had a most important bearing upon the military
profession during the interval up to the Mexican
War, and which the author discusses in the happiest
manner, we refer briefly to some points developed
in his analysis of the Mexican War.

So brilliant were the campaigns conducted by
Generals Taylor and Scott, that the statement made
by the author, that the war was fought under the
same system of laws and executive orders as that of
1812, seems almost paradoxical. But the explana
tion shows that, in spite of our vicious military
policy, the causes which brought such renown to
19

434 Emory Upton.

our arms are to be found in the military weakness
of our adversary and the excellence of our regular
army. He shows that we had ample time to pre
pare for the war, which was to be one of inva
sion and conquest ; that the regular army, which
amounted to less than seventy-five hundred men in
May, 1846, might have been expanded so that at
least eight thousand could have been given Taylor
at Corpus Christi before the opening of the cam
paign ; that, instead of adopting so wise a measure,
contingent authority was conferred on him to call
for volunteers from the Governors of Texas and
Louisiana, without there being the slightest means
provided for their equipment, supply, or payment ;
and that events forced him to open the campaign
against an organized force of six thousand of the
enemy with a strength of but twenty-two hundred
and twenty-two men.

The responsibility of putting in jeopardy this
small body of regular troops, and almost sacrificing
the advantages of a first success, rests upon Con
gress, and in a measure upon the President. It ex
tricated itself by the two battles of Palo Alto and
Resaca de la Palma, scoring for itself a victory
which was due no less to the courage and discipline
of its men and officers than to the skill of its com
mander. For these had been trained for six months
in the camp at Corpus Christi, under officers four
fifths of whom had received military education,
while many had also had experience in the Florida
War.

It was not until after these successes that the
volunteers reached Point Isabel, and afforded a

Military Policy of the United States. 435

striking instance of mismanagement and ignorant
criminality on the part of the Government. Before
the volunteering, commenced in excitement, could
be stopped, over eight thousand were sent to Gen
eral Taylor wholly destitute of equipment, arms,
transportation, and indeed of everything needed for
aggressive or defensive warfare, so that they were
compelled to remain near this depot until the end
of their enlistment (three months), and until they
were discharged ! They returned to their homes
without firing a shot, and suffered a loss of one hun
dred and forty-five by disease, but twenty-five less
than the total of our killed and wounded in the two
battles of the 8th and Qth of May, 1846.

So quickly did the country respond to the call
of the President of May 13, 1846, that General Tay
lor found it difficult to employ and subsist the vol
unteers who flocked to his standard, and he was
compelled to leave over six thousand behind, which,
however, by subsequent drill and discipline, formed
an excellent army of the second line. The battle of
Monterey was fought by his army of two divisions
of regulars and one division of volunteers, six thou
sand in all. Buena Vista was fought by trained
volunteers, whose valor justified his foresight in
having them trained and disciplined. In this noted
battle the enemy, twenty thousand strong, were ut
terly defeated by forty-three hundred volunteers,
supported by but four hundred and fifty-three regu
lar infantry and artillery. At the critical moment
the splendid courage and skillful handling of the
regular batteries, which, in the language of General
Taylor, were " always in action at the right time

436 Emory Upton.

and in the right place," inspired the whole army,
and snatched victory from almost certain defeat.

Scott's campaign affords striking lessons and
many warnings of the fatal military policy adopted
by the Government. After a series of extraordi
nary successes and remarkable trials, he reached
Puebla, within three days' march of the enemy's
capital, with an army reduced by expiration of
service and sickness to five thousand eight hundred
and twenty effective men. Here he was compelled
to remain on the defensive for more than two
months, while the enemy, profiting by the delay,
recruited and reorganized his army to over thirty
thousand men and one hundred pieces of artillery.
And it was not until the 7th of August that General
Scott, after receiving recruits in driblets, could
muster ten thousand effective men, and secure the
succession of marvelous victories which, on the 1/j.th
of September, culminated in the capture of the city
of Mexico.

The military legislation with which Congress
busied itself during this war receives sharp criticism
from the pen of General Upton. Here and there
are found acts which receive commendation, but it
must be confessed that the major part, as exhibited
by him, and clearly supported by the strongest
array of facts, is alike discreditable to the statesman
ship of our legislators and to the common sense of
humanity. This period is so fully treated that we
must content ourselves with commending the whole
chapter to the careful study of every citizen who
has at heart the honor of his country, that his
pride may not blind him to the serious defects

Military Policy of the United States. 437

which, uncorrected, may yet prove a danger to our
future liberties, and to our existence as a nation.

At the close of the Mexican War the army was
again reduced from thirty thousand eight hundred
and ninety to ten thousand three hundred and
twenty men, and the only trace left by it on the
military organization was the addition of a single
regiment of mounted rifles, the increase of each
regiment of artillery by two companies, and the ad
dition of one major to each infantry regiment. The
army consisted then of fifteen regiments, varying in
strength from five hundred and fifty-eight to eight
hundred men each, without any provision for future
contingencies. This was partially remedied by the
act of 1850, which authorized the President to make
use of the expansive principle to those regiments
serving at remote posts and on the Western frontier,
but it was not till 1 853-^4 that advantage was taken
of this authority. Too feeble to afford protection
to the vast territory, the army received, by the act
of March 3, 1855, two additional regiments of cav
alry and two of infantry, making the total number
of companies one hundred and ninety-eight, and
which would have aggregated eighteen thousand
three hundred and forty-nine men had the expan
sive principle been applied.

In 1858, as a measure of fancied economy, a
regiment of mounted volunteers was authorized for
Texas and two for Utah, whose officers were ap
pointed from the States furnishing the troops. The
principal military operations in this period, from
1848 to 1 86 1, were confined to Indian troubles and
the Utah Expedition, which had the effect of trans-

438 Emory Upton.

f erring nearly all the troops of the regular army
west of the Mississippi.

As an historical study, that part of General Up
ton's work which we have so far briefly reviewed
would alone be of the greatest interest, and amply
repay attentive study. It is, however, but the pre
lude to the more careful presentation and analysis
of the first years of the great civil war. Himself a
prominent actor in many of its most important cam
paigns, he displays in this branch of his subject a
masterly power of analysis, an intimate knowledge
of the controlling circumstances, a settled convic
tion, and an earnest belief in the theoretical truth
which he has set out to demonstrate. It forms by
far the greater part of his work, and therefore can
hardly be summarized within the assigned limits of
this memoir. We can only refer, in a somewhat dis
connected manner, to a few of the more prominent
points of his analysis, and must content ourselves
with commending this chapter to the most careful
study of the interested student.

By the action of the previous Administration,
one hundred and eighty-three companies of the
line of the regular army had been sent to the ex
treme frontier ; and, of the fifteen remaining, but
five were available for garrisoning the nine perma
nent fortifications on the Southern Atlantic and
Gulf coasts. The new Administration was thus
effectually prevented from using any portion of the
regular forces of the United States even for the
defense of the capital. Recourse was of necessity
had to undisciplined militia ; and the humiliating
spectacle was presented of the first body of militia

Military Policy of the United States. 439

called into service from the District of Columbia
exacting conditions of the Government, or of flatly
refusing service ! Throughout the North, to so low a
standard had the military art descended among the
militia — a few regiments in the great cities alone
excepted — that, although numbering over three
million men, they possessed neither instruction nor
a respectable organization. They could not be con
sidered in any sense a military force, and yet re
course must be had to them, and to them alone, in
the exigencies then pressing.

Both the Revolutionary War and that of 1812
had distinctly shown that any system of national
defense based on the consent and co-operation of
the States possessed no element of strength or mili
tary value. And yet the President was forced to
depend on this system, and avail himself of its
assistance, because of the paucity of the regular
army, its scattered condition, and the pressing need
of speedy action.

The conduct of the Governors of the States in
response to the call of the President was, as in 1812,
largely controlled by their own political sentiments
and party affiliations. In the North, the response
was prompt and decisive ; in the South, just the
contrary ; and in the border States it was charac
terized by a refusal, or a temporizing policy. In six
of these latter, which afterward furnished nearly a
quarter of a million men for the Government, the
Governors assumed the responsibility of declining
to accede to the request of the President, without
even giving the people the opportunity of express
ing their will.

440 Emory Upton.

The rebellion, spreading rapidly, soon covered
a territory over three quarters of a million square
miles in area, and involved over eight and a half
millions of people. Both sections made ample
preparations for war. On the part of the Govern
ment, a call for seventy-five thousand militia for
three months was made ; the South more wisely
issued a proclamation for one hundred thousand
volunteers for twelve months' service, and thus
both repeated the blunder of short enlistments, but
in different degrees.

Controlled by circumstances, the President was
forced to assume dictatorial powers, and to usurp
the functions of Congress in decreeing an increase
of the regular army and navy, and in making a call
for volunteers. He was impelled to this step as a
measure of absolute necessity, inasmuch as Con
gress had neglected to provide for any system of
national defense ; and, although the new Congress
promptly legalized his action, it is well to call at
tention to the historical fact that the President
raised armies, provided a navy, and opened the
doors of the Treasury to irresponsible citizens.
This immense stride toward despotic power was
attended with no serious danger to the liberties of
the country, simply because of the personal charac
ter and patriotic devotion of the President, and the
active spirit of liberty existing among the people
whom he served.

Another anomaly in our history is also to be
noticed in this crisis. The growth of business at
the War Department increased with such rapidity
that the Secretary was obliged to turn over to the

Military Policy of the United States. 441

Secretary of the Treasury, as a pressing necessity,
the organization of the forces called into service.
Many of the details of this organization were dis
cussed and recommended by an irresponsible board
of three army officers, but the final decision was
made by the Secretary of the Treasury. The au
thor shows that the recommendations of this board,
based on professional knowledge, had they been
adopted, would have been of the greatest value
and importance. But, unfortunately, those relating
to the organization of the volunteer regiments, to
their forming a part of the regular army of the
United States, and to the methods of commission
ing their officers, were not favorably considered,
and the Government was committed by the action
of a Cabinet officer other than the War Secretary
to the mistaken and vicious policy of State troops
in a war for national existence.

Other errors, which to the unprofessional mind
might appear trivial, but which, once committed,
were attended with disastrous results, are also noted
and receive comment. Among these are the failure
on the part of the Government to appreciate the
value of the professional skill and training within its
control, and to make use of them to the best advan
tage ; its unwise action in regard to the tendered
resignations of regular officers of Southern birth
and affiliations, and, by readily accepting such resig
nations as were offered, contributing to the military
strength of the rebellion ; the retention of the regu
lar army as a separate organized force, which, though
insignificant in point of numbers, contained over
six hundred well-instructed captains and subalterns

442 Emory Upton.

who could have been much more profitably employed
in the great army of volunteers, in commands of
higher importance ; and, finally, in discouraging
those regular officers who desired a field of wider
usefulness from taking volunteer commissions.

The battle of Bull Run exhibits the folly of re
lying on an army composed of troops engaged for
short enlistments, and was but a repetition of what
had so often occurred in the War of 1812, but whose
lessons seemed not to have been learned by those
responsible for its happening. That the battle was
brought about by the combination of many causes-
such as the intemperate zeal of the press and loyal
citizens in urging a speedy advance ; the belief that
the army would exhibit, in the aggregate, the same
courage and bravery which existed in the patriotic
citizen ; that it possessed sufficient discipline and
military instruction to overcome its adversary ; and
the weakness of the Government in risking at this
time so much by yielding to popular clamor — is
clearly shown in General Upton's analysis. The
anxiety to profit by the service of those regiments
whose time was about expiring brought about its
share of the disaster, not only in Patterson's com
mand, but also in the main army, where it is shown
that at least one regiment, insisting on its right to
discharge, marched from the field to the sound of
the enemy's guns ! The panic which followed the
battle is shown to be the direct result of lack of
discipline, want of confidence in commanders, and
is strongly contrasted with the firmness displayed
by the battalion of regular troops, under Sykes,
which covered the retreat.

Military Policy of the United States. 443

The other military operations of this year, which,
in the excited state of public feeling, were then re
garded as national disasters, added their depressing
influence, and are shown to be, in the light of future
estimation, minor skirmishes, important only in edu
cating our troops in the expensive school of war.

The situation at the close of this first year of the
war was such as to give us a most vigorous and
abundant military legislation. Congress, in attempt
ing to repair the mistakes previously committed,
was prodigal in voting men and money for the vig
orous prosecution of the war. It, however, was the
victim of the fatal delusion that this generous dis
position of our means and resources removed from
its shoulders all other responsibility. It regarded
the responsibility as being shifted to the shoulders
of its generals, forgetting that armies require time
for their evolution, drill and discipline for their effi
ciency, and can not be created by the mere stroke
of the pen. The analysis of the military legislation
of this epoch is most important, as our author points
out the delusions which then characterized the mili
tary measures that engaged the attention of Con
gress. Rejecting in 1861 the principle of obligatory
military service of its citizens, which had been de
clared in 1792, and still alarmed at the prospect of
a regular army, Congress violated the practice of
every civilized nation by calling out a vast number
of untrained men without providing the necessary
means to form them into disciplined troops, except
by the most expensive and wasteful of all measures.
It provided no regimental depots, and made no pro
vision for keeping the regiments full, either by

444 Emory Upton.

voluntary enlistment or by the draft. It made no
provision for officers of capacity or education, but
intrusted the lives of its citizens and the conduct of
affairs to ignorant and, in many cases, incompetent
leaders. It gave, to those who proved themselves
deserving, no hope of reward save through the Gov
ernors of the States. It permitted company officers
to be elected by the men, and field officers by the
company officers, to the certain destruction of dis
cipline, and to the encouragement of the worst kind
of intriguing. Until volunteering gave place to the
draft, the troops were enrolled, subsisted, clothed,
supplied, armed, equipped, and transported by State
agents, and the Government paid the bills. It was
forced to convene boards to examine into the quali
fications of officers commissioned by State Govern
ors, and to peremptorily dismiss large numbers of
worthless officers from the service. According to
our author, it is scarcely possible to contrive or to
imagine a more vicious military policy than that
with which we began the war and retained for a
considerable time, and he shows that the responsi
bility rests upon our so-called statesmen, to whom
the experience of history conveys no lessons worth
the learning.

The campaigns of the war during the year 1862,
as delineated by writers, present to the general reader
an intricacy and confusion which are in striking con
trast to the clear exposition made by General Upton.
He divides the year into three periods, the first
characterized by offensive operations on the part of
the Union forces, the second by defensive, and the
third by offensive operations again. He separates

Military Policy of the United States. 445

the territory covered by the operations of war into
three departments, the Eastern, Middle, and West
ern. He gives from official sources the data con
cerning the positions, strength, and movements of
the contending forces, and the results of the opera
tions belonging to each period. He closes each his
torical sketch with a critical analysis of the causes
which determined our success or defeat. With an
assertion well established that the advantage was
greatly in favor of the Union forces at the begin
ning of the first period, he shows that at the end
it had wholly passed over to the Confederates, al
though the period was marked by a succession of
Union victories. He accounts for this change by
reason of two facts : first, the great extent of front
covered by our armies ; and, second, that these
armies were under the command of eight distinct
officers, having no common head save the President
of the United States.

During the second period the Government and
the Confederacy conducted the war on contrary
principles. The former fought as a confederacy,
and the latter as a nation. To establish this state
ment General Upton contrasts the military policy
of both antagonists. Thus, while the Government
recognized the individuality of the States, appealed
to them for troops, adhered to the principle of vol
untary enlistments, gave the State Governors power
to appoint commissioned officers, and encouraged
them to organize new regiments, the Confederacy,
on the other hand, repudiated State sovereignty, ap
pealed directly to the people, ignored the Govern
ors, took away their power to appoint officers,

446 Emory Upton.

vested it in their President, refused to organize
new regiments, abandoned voluntary enlistments,
adopted the principle of obligatory military service,
and called into the army every white citizen be
tween the ages of eighteen and thirty-five. The
effect was to greatly augment their strength, and, as
the new troops were at once poured into the old
organizations, three months only of instruction and
discipline were sufficient to make them but little
less efficient than veteran troops.

This period was one of marked disaster, and was
followed by nearly as great a public depression as
that of the first Bull Run. The third period found
the contending forces, at its termination, in very
nearly the same relative positions as those at the
beginning of the year.

In reviewing the campaign of 1862, he inquires
into the reasons why, with the marked and un
doubted advantage of troops and resources, success
did not attend our arms, and in answer he an
nounces as the sufficient reason the unfortunate di
vision of our forces into many separate and inde
pendent commands. He then endeavors to fix the
responsibility. Differing in opinion with writers,
who have blamed either the President or the gen-
eral-in-chief, he shows that all our troubles have
originated in a vicious military policy whose de
fective laws have tempted the President and the
Secretary of War to assume the character and re
sponsibilities of military commanders — responsibili
ties for which they were fitted neither by training
nor education to undertake. The great War Secre
tary, Stanton, a man of imperious will, became the

Military Policy of the United States. 447

supreme and controlling- spirit in every military
movement, and in the conduct of military affairs,
and to his interference all our military disasters of
that year may be traced.

Possibly no campaign of modern times has ever
been subjected to such controversial discussion as
the Peninsular campaign of 1862. Before General
Upton began its critical study he accepted and be
lieved what is unquestionably the more general and
popular view. But, upon completing his analysis
under this aspect, he recognized that it was neither
historically nor philosophically correct, and, loyal to
justice and truth, he destroyed his manuscript and
again undertook its careful study.

In his final criticism he displays a master's
hand. No hesitation or doubt marks the conclu
sions which he claims are the logical results of
sound reason based on superabundant historical
evidence. Stanton's accession to office and power
was at once followed by the strongest evidence
of his vigorous personality. The President's first
war order was issued on the 2/th of January, upon
the suggestion of the Secretary of War. It or
dered an advance of the Army of the Potomac
on the 22d of February, and thus began what Gen
eral Upton aptly designates as " War Department
strategy," and which was destined to dissipate our
resources and cover our arms with disaster. Other
war orders followed ; adverse influences began to
undermine the confidence of the President in the
general-in-chief until, on March nth, war order
number three relieved this officer from the con
trol of the armed forces as a whole, and transferred

448 Emory Upton.

his functions to the hands of the energetic Secre
tary of War.

By thus assuming the direction of military affairs
both the Secretary and the President became from
this moment as much responsible for whatever of
disaster might befall the army as if they had actually
taken command in person in the field. No sooner
had the commander of the Army of the Potomac
sailed for Fortress Monroe than the disintegration
of the forces which he had relied upon for his pur
pose, and which had been promised him, began to
take place.

To establish the soundness of the position which
General Upton so sturdily holds, he devotes six
chapters to the campaigns of this year. In the first
he describes the operations of the various theatres
of war in general, so that a comprehensive view of
the whole is presented to the reader. Then, be
cause of its greater importance, he devotes the
remaining chapters to the Army of the Potomac.
These chapters are entitled " A Review of the Cam
paign of the Army of the Potomac from the ist of
April till the Close of the First Period of 1862";
" From its Arrival at Harrison's Landing till its
Withdrawal from the Peninsula " ; " The Second
Battle of Bull Run " ; " Conflict between the Secre
tary of War and General McClellan till the Resto
ration of General McClellan to Command " ; and,
finally, " From the Restoration till the Final Re
moval of General McClellan."

These chapters are full of interest, and the temp
tation has been great to give a brief synopsis of
some of their startling and vivid military criticisms,

Military Policy of the United States. 449

but no condensation is possible, for so unique is the
method of discussion adopted by our author that,
unconsciously, quotation follows quotation until one
is forced to give all, or, choosing the other alterna
tive, omit all. We must therefore content ourselves
with directing the attention of the military student
to this rich harvest of professional knowledge and
instruction.

Suffice it to say that nothing less than a critical
study will satisfy those who desire to obtain a com
prehensive view of our military system, to learn its
defects and become educated to its requirements.
In the whole of his work General Upton does not
display the least partisanship. He has strong con
victions, founded on a thorough acquaintance with
the details and practice of his profession, an inti
mate historical knowledge of the events which he
describes, and has at his command the undoubted,
well-established facts to sustain the views which he
advocates. His object has not been to brighten
tarnished military reputations, nor to glorify promi
nent personages of our history, but rather to mark
clearly on our military chart the sunken rocks and
hidden reefs that have in the past so nearly wrecked
us, that these may be avoided in our progress to
ward our hoped-for happy destiny.

While engaged in the preparation of his great
work, General Upton appreciated the value of hon
est criticism on the part of eminent civilians and
military men. Among others he asked General
Garfield, then occupying a most prominent political
station, to examine his work. The following letters
in response show that this man, eminent in both

45 o Emory Upton.

military and political pursuits, had a high apprecia
tion of its character :

MENTOR, LAKE COUNTY, OHIO, June 28, 1878.

DEAR GENERAL : Your manuscript was sent to
me just as I was leaving Washington, and I have
been so much engaged since then that I have not
been able to read it until to-day. I am delighted
with the chapters, and feel confident that they will
be of great service to Congress and the country.

The wastefulness and danger which have at
tended our methods of providing for the necessities
of war are set forth with great force by the naked
recital of the policy adopted during the War of In
dependence, and I have no doubt the Wars of 1812
and 1861 will make the exhibit still more striking.

Permit me to offer a few suggestions :

1. A separate discussion of the origin of our
traditional prejudice against a standing army, show
ing that there was ground for such a feeling in
European states but not here, would be valuable.

2. It would make your work more valuable if
you would give references at the foot of your pages
to the sources of your authority for the numerous
quotations.

3. Your dates would be better understood if you
printed at the top of each page the year to which
they belong.

4. When you come to our late war I hope you
will discuss fully the evils and iniquity of the bounty
system. It would have been a great saving if we
had refused to adopt it at all.

I hope you will bring your book out, if possible,

Military Policy of the United States. 451

before the next meeting- of Congress. Expressing
again my deep interest in the chapters I have read,
I am, very truly yours,

J. A. GARFIELD.

MENTOR, OHIO, July 22, 1878.

GENERAL EMORY UPTON.

DEAR SIR : Your letter of the 5th instant came
duly to hand. I was absent from home at the time,
and have not been able to reply sooner. Your
chapters, three to seven inclusive, are so full of in
terest that it was difficult to read them with any
view to criticism. I was more than ever astonished
that our fathers were able to succeed in the War of
the Revolution with the prejudices that existed
against a regular army, the want of system, and the
great distress that prevailed at that time. I hope
you will not soften the history of the horrible man
agement of the War of 1812. I see nothing in these
chapters that should offend any just political senti
ment. I think the country will just now bear a
good deal of plain talk on the whole subject, in view
of the dangers of communism. Your plan for a
national army, modeled somewhat on the German
plan of a regular active force, Landwehr and Land-
stlirm, is excellent, and I hope you will work it out
so fully in its details that we can embody it in a bill
to be introduced into Congress. I am satisfied we
shall never be able to organize an effective national
militia on the old plan. I send your manuscript to
Batavia, in accordance with your request.

With kindest regards, yours very truly,

J. A. GARFIELD.

452 Emory Upton.

PORTLAND, MAINE, September 3, 1878.

DEAR GENERAL : I brought your manuscript of
the military policy of the United States from the
Revolution till 1812 with me to Maine, and have
read it carefully and with great interest. I have
suggested a few things on the margin, and would
make only the further suggestion : it would add
great force to your exhibit if you could find and
quote a few crisp passages from the messages of
Presidents, the reports of Secretaries of War, and
from the debates in Congress, setting forth the evils
of army organization complained of in your chapter
from the Revolution to 1812. I am sure you will
have no difficulty in finding them. The chapter is
an admirable one, and greatly adds to the value
of your book. I send the manuscript by express to
Fortress Monroe.

Very truly yours,

J. A. GARFIELD.

MENTOR, OHIO, November 12, 1878.

DEAR GENERAL : I owe you an apology for so
long neglecting to answer your letters, and for so
long detaining your last manuscript chapters. But
I was very busily engaged in the political campaign,
and could only find time between meetings to read
the very interesting pages you sent me. I made a
few marginal suggestions and returned the manu
script to you last week. I am surprised that your
publisher was not willing to assume the responsi
bility of publishing, for I can not doubt the work
will be widely read. I hope we shall see it in print

Military Policy of the United States. 453

soon. The work increases in value as it approaches
our own times ; and if it is brought down to the
present time it can not fail to do much good.

With thanks for your kind congratulations on
my election, I am, very truly yours,

J. A. GARFIELD.

CHAPTER XII.

PROFESSIONAL VIEWS ON MILITARY LEGISLATION,
AND FINAL REVISION OF TACTICS.

MANY measures relating to the reorganization
of the regular army were introduced into Congress
during this period of Upton's intellectual activity.
Several of these embodied important provisions
that were radical in their nature, and therefore at
tracted unusual attention on the part of military
officers and legislators. The most prominent meas
ure, known as the " Burnside Bill," the result of a
long and painstaking study by a joint committee of
both Houses of Congress, was reported to the Sen
ate on the 1 2th of December, 1878. Its provisions
were immediately subjected to rigid scrutiny, and,
as a sequence, the most violent opposition or strong
est support was manifested by army officers, deter
mined by their particular official position, training,
or professional judgment.

The result of General Upton's study and experi
ence was to place him among the advocates of the
bill, and from the first he became one of its strong
est advocates. If the conclusions which he reached
in his study of the proper military policy of the
country be accepted as sound and unanswerable, it
is undeniable that some such reorganization as that
provided by this bill is an inevitable consequence.

Views on Military Legislation. 455

Believing this, he earnestly and ardently, in conver
sation and by letter, advocated its passage. On the
of January, 1879, ne writes:

Should the latest army bill become a law, it will
promote me immediately, and possibly send me to
California. While wholly ready to follow the lead
ings of Providence, such a change would not appear
favorable to my occupations at present. Still, if the
new book should awaken a storm of abuse, I might
find some recess in the Yosemite a very acceptable
hiding-place. . . . Extracts from two of my private
letters have been published, so I have, in a small
way, come in for abuse ; but it does not worry me.
Truth and honesty are on the side of the line, and
the country will yet see the general of the army,
under the President, in the full exercise of the au
thority belonging to his position. The " Military
Policy " will not only show the evil wrought to the
service by the usurpations of the Secretary of War,
but Southern members of Congress will find that a
similar evil helped to overthrow their cause. A
double proof ought to convince honest men that a
change should be made.

Not only does he make frequent mention in his
private letters of his interest in these questions, but
he often took occasion to express his opinions in
communications for the public journals. He had
by this time grown to such a stature in the estima
tion of military men, that whatever came from his
pen merited and received weighty attention. He
could always command a hearing, although he was

456 Emory Upton.

not always accorded a respectful answer to his ar
guments.

Among other questions affecting the well-being
of the army, that known as " compulsory retirement
of officers at the age of sixty-two " occupied his
earnest attention and received his unqualified sup
port. His advocacy of this principle was so vigor
ous that the strongest efforts of the opposition were
directed against him. He was even attacked on the
ground of personal interest, since his rank was such
that, were the compulsory retirement at the age of
sixty-two adopted, he would at once get his regi
ment, or at least be considerably advanced in his
own grade. These insinuations, however, were
without vitality, since Upton's purity of motives
was so well established throughout the army that
the only injury done him by their promulgation was
that of wounding his own sensitive spirit. To one
less in love with his profession, and to one who
cared more for public opinion than for the public
service and the principles of justice and truth, the
possibilities of these unjust insinuations might have
deterred him from entering so actively into the dis
cussion. But belief with Upton meant action, and,
disregarding all selfish reasons, he did what he
thought would best advance the interests of the
military service. He, therefore, having compiled
many data bearing on this question, wrote an article
entitled " Compulsory Retirement," which was pub
lished in the " United Service Magazine " in March,
1880.

In this article he shows from historical records
that the great commanders who achieved celebrated

Views on Military Legislation. 457

victories were young in years, and of necessity then
in possession of their best mental and bodily activ
ity. He points out from our own history that, be
cause of our superannuated officers, " absenteeism "
had largely existed in the army during war, and
must continue to exist ; that, in most of our wars
previous to the rebellion, the older officers being
generally absent from their commands, the regi
ments were led into battle by the junior field-officers,
captains, and, in some instances, by lieutenants. He
uses the records of the rebellion on both sides to
prove that success is more certain with the physi
cally active, and by the quick decision of young
manhood, than with the slow caution which almost
invariably accompanies the aged veteran. After
giving numerous statistics to illustrate his argument,
he concludes :

After considering the facts from ancient and
modern history, as well as those within our own ex
perience, should Congress still be tempted to base
its legislation upon false deductions from the Ger
man system, it may find additional cause for reflec
tion in the history of the Ute war now in progress.
How many officers, with the irresolution of advanc
ing years, would, like Dodge, have galloped into
the darkness intent upon saving Thornburgh's com
mand ? When the news came that Thornburgh was
killed ; that Payne, Cherry, and their gallant com
rades were fighting for life ; when the country in
suspense awaited tidings of another massacre like
the one on the Little Big Horn, how many colonels
of cavalry, sixty-five years of age, would, like Mer-

20

458 Emory Upton.

ritt, have attempted or dreamed it possible to march
one hundred and sixty -five miles in two days ?

As an example of his loyalty to what he believed
ta be the truth, even when he had long entertained
contrary convictions, it may be well to preserve the
following correspondence relating to the celebrated
case of Fitz-John Porter, and which explains itself :

FORT MONROE, VA., December 8, 1879.

MY DEAR GENERAL: When, in 1862, General
McClellan, after being relieved from command, rode
the lines of his army, neither my regiment nor my
self joined in the demonstrations of affection and
applause which nearly everywhere greeted his ap
pearance.

The son of an abolitionist, an abolitionist myself,
both as a cadet and an officer, my sympathies were
strongly on the side of the Administration in its
effort to abolish slavery, and I could not, therefore,
even indirectly participate in an ovation which
might be construed as a censure on either the civil
or military policy of the Government. With these
views you will naturally infer that I have always
been anti-McClellan, anti-Fitz-John Porter, and such
is the fact.

Up to a few months ago, when I began our mili
tary policy during the rebellion, I believed that
these officers, differing in politics from the Admin
istration, had not done their whole duty to the
country. But, in the process of this investigation,
I have been compelled to change my mind. Like
many millions of our people, my opinions were

Views on Military Legislation. 459

vague and shadowy ; they had no foundation in
fact.

You will remember that from the nth of March
till the nth of July, 1862, we had no general-in-
chief. Our armies, numbering more than six hun
dred thousand men, were commanded by the Presi
dent and the Secretary of War. Could I lay before
you all the facts that have come under my obser
vation, I believe you would be convinced that the
causes of a four instead of a one year's war can all
be traced to this brief but disastrous period.

It was during this time that the troops east of
the Alleghanies were divided up into six independ
ent commands. It was during the same period
that the great army concentrated at Corinth, and
wrhich might have made a summer excursion to
Vicksburg and Jackson, was dispersed from Mem
phis to Cumberland Gap, a distance of nearly three
hundred miles. In both cases the result was the
same. The Army of the Potomac was rolled back
to the Potomac ; the Army of the Ohio was called
back to the Ohio. It may be added, as a further
coincidence, that the commanders of the two armies,
against whose protests the division of our forces
was made, were relieved from their commands.

This was all that was done in the West ; but in
the East the reputation of another officer was
blighted. The movements of Jackson in the cam
paign of the second Bull Run presented an oppor
tunity to destroy Lee's army which was lost, as was
alleged by General Pope, through the willful disobe
dience of General Porter. On this charge the lat
ter was tried, and not being able to present evi-

460 Emory Upton.

dence conclusive of his innocence he was convicted
and sentenced to be cashiered.

His case will soon come before Congress and
the whole country is now on the qui vive to know
what course you will pursue.

You were a member of the original court by
which he was tried. Then you were known only
as "a soldier, now you are recognized as a statesman.
The memory of the immortal Lincoln pleads for no
stigma to rest upon any officer or soldier who ever
in battle risked his life for the Union.

Who, if he had the power, would not expunge
from our history the crime of Benedict Arnold ?
Yet for sixteen years, until he has grown gray, the
hero of Gaines's Mill, who for nearly a whole day
fought thirty thousand against seventy thousand,
whose skill was again acknowledged in the victory
of Malvern Hill, has by the press and the people
been unjustly denounced as a traitor.

Humanity recoils from the crime of the British
Cabinet which shot Admiral Byng. In our own
history the case of Fitz-John Porter is analogous.
Public opinion is already setting strongly in his
favor. No officer, who has read the recent report
of the Board of Army Officers, now believes that
the opportunity to destroy Jackson was lost on the
2Qth of August. If not, he was innocent. If you
will read the official dispatches of General Pope to
General McDowell on the 2/th of August, directing
that, on the morning of the 28th, he should march
with his two corps of twenty-five thousand men from
Gainesville to Manassas, his right on the Manas-
sas Gap Railroad, his left thrown well to the east,

Views on Military Legislation. 461

and then read McDowell's, Sigel's, and Reynolds's
reports, showing that, in disregard of General
Pope's explicit orders, all of these commands moved
to Manassas on the south instead of the north side
of the railroad, you will recognize at a glance that
the opportunity to destroy Jackson was lost on the
28th.

On the morning of the 28th but one of Jackson's
divisions was at Groveton. The other two were
east of Bull Run.

Sigel, at Gainesville, three and a half miles west
of Groveton, was ordered to march at the " earliest
blush " of dawn. He did not make an effort to
move till after 7.30.

Look at the maps accompanying the recent pro
ceedings, and you will see that had Sigel, Reynolds,
and King marched in dchelon of columns north of
the railroad, as explained in Reynolds's report (" Re
port of Military Operations during the Rebellion,"
page 276), the left division would have marched
through Groveton before turning off the main pike
to go to Manassas. The few shots fired by the
enemy the moment Reynolds moved east of Gaines
ville would have been the prelude to a battle with
Taliaferro's division at Groveton, which, being de
feated by 9 A. M., would have left Ewell and Hill
to be destroyed successively in the same manner.
This done, the whole army could have faced about
and caught Longstreet half-way through Thor
oughfare Gap, and, destroying him, could have
ended the rebellion.

Instead of this, the whole of McDowell's twenty-
five thousand men, which faced eastward in the

462 Emory Upton.

morning, circled around Groveton on a radius of
about two miles, and, having failed to discover the
enemy till late in the day, finally, toward evening,
took position facing west three miles east of Grove-
ton. By this unfortunate movement, being on the
left of the army on the morning of the 28th, Sigel
and Reynolds found themselves on the right on the
morning of the 2pth. The other half of McDowell's
command, Ricketts and King, were retreating on
Bristow and Manassas. But the enemy was no
longer divided. Longstreet testifies that he was in
line of battle on the right of Jackson by 10.30 or u
A. M., which was an hour earlier than when Porter
arrived on what had now become the Union left.

These facts to me appear conclusive, and my de
sire that you should not make a mistake is my ex
cuse for presenting them to you. Had General
Pope alleged that his defeat was due to disobe
dience of his orders on the 28th, his name in history
would have been placed among skillful commanders
who at least deserved success, but in locating the
loss of the battle a day too late, on the 2Qth, he now
labors under the imputation of not having under
stood his own plans.

I have had no communication with General Por
ter, but have written you of my own motion.

Always a Republican, I desire simply to see jus
tice done. The great party has saved the Union,
and can well afford to restore to honor a man who
has fought so gallantly for his country.

It is true, as the Board remarks, that he was
harsh and unkind in his criticisms of his commander;
but having read the history of the Revolution you

Views on Military Legislation. 463

are aware that the officers and men of the Conti
nental army could be for nearly seven years on the
verge of mutiny, always denouncing Congress, yet
always presenting a bold front to the enemy.

The case of Fitz-John Porter is already historic,
and when the time comes your speech will also pass
into history.

I do not think I overestimate your influence
when I say that your position will be the position
of the Republican party. God grant that you may
dare to do right !

With kindest regards, sincerely your friend,

E. UPTON.

P. S. — You will find an exact parallel to McDow
ell's circling around Groveton in Jomini's " Napo
leon/' Eckmiihl campaign, 1809.

Davoust was at Ratisbon, west of the Danube,
with orders to join Napoleon at Abensberg. His
artillery and trains were ordered to take the river-
road ; two columns, of two divisions each, were or
dered to take two parallel dirt-roads on the left.

The Archduke Charles, between Napoleon and
Ratisbon, moved upon Davoust, intending to de
stroy him ; but his left column, instead of taking
the river-road, encountered Davoust's left column
marching in opposite directions. As a consequence,
the two armies (Davoust had fifty thousand) turned
on a pivot, and, at the close of the day, had exactly
reversed their positions : Davoust faced toward
Ratisbon, the archduke faced toward Abensberg.
Napoleon, having thus united his army, gained the
victory at Eckmtihl.

464 Emory Upton.

To this letter General Garfield made the follow
ing reply :

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WASHINGTON, D. C., December 10, 1879.

MY DEAR GENERAL: Yours of the 8th instant
came duly to hand, and has been thoughtfully and
carefully read. I have not yet read a page of the
commission on General Fitz-John Porter's case, but
of course I shall read it with the utmost care as
soon as I can find the time. I hope there is nothing
in my nature that will prevent me from seeing the
truth and acting upon it, even if it should lead me
to reverse all my former opinions and actions on
the subject; but I say to you frankly that it will re
quire new and striking evidence to unsettle the con
clusions of my mind in reference to that case. The
court that tried Fitz-John Porter commenced their
labors, as I know, with strong prepossession in his
favor, and the developments of the trial were pain
ful surprises to the court, several of whose members
had been intimate personal friends of Porter. There
was not in my heart, nor could I discover it in the
conduct of other members, anything to indicate
passion or political bias in the course of the trial ;
but, notwithstanding all this, we may have erred in
our findings, and have mistaken the facts. Still, I
am bound to say that a trial with witnesses fresh
from the scenes concerning which they testified was
far more likely to get at the actual facts than a com
mission taking the testimony of witnesses who spoke
from memory seventeen years old. But, as I said
before, I do not prejudge the case in its new aspects,
I only give you my preliminary views.

Views on Military Legislation. 465

I shall be glad to receive from you at any time
any other points you may have bearing on the sub
ject. Very truly yours,

J. A. GARFIELD.
GENERAL E. UPTON,

Fort Monroe, Va.

Thus, during his tour at Fortress Monroe, was
Upton's mind engaged in varied intellectual work.
It may be called the literary and professional epoch
of his life. His reputation as an intellectual soldier,
in contradistinction to that of a fighting one, will
be measured by the productions of his pen during
this time. The public has yet to formulate its
opinion of him in this respect, as the data by which
its estimate can alone be made have not yet been
presented for criticism. But his friends believe
that, high as was his reputation in active service, on
the march, in camp, in the care and discipline of his
men, in the excitement of battle, in the quick per
ception of the varying possibilities which were sug
gested on the field of action, his fame will at least
be equaled if not surpassed by this other aspect of
his professional career, and they are willing to leave
the decision to that most impartial of all judges,
public opinion.

There are but few matters of minor interest to
notice before we turn our attention to the sad events
of Upton's last days of service.

These matters of absorbing and exacting inter
est, which occupied almost all of his leisure, did not
cause him to neglect those other duties which are
ever characteristic of the gentleman and Christian

466 Emory Upton.

soldier. He was punctilious in the discharge of his
social obligations. His house, presided over by his
sister Sara, was constantly filled with guests. Ac
quaintances, friends, and relatives, in an incessant
stream, were the recipients of his hospitality. He
was entirely free from ostentatious display, and
yet his entertainments were generous and complete.
With respect to the private soldiers under his com
mand, it need only be said that he regarded them as
men having the same feelings, attributes, and affec
tions which he himself possessed. Exacting the
strictest discipline, he tempered it with kindness
and consideration. He established a Sunday serv
ice for them, got officers and their wives to unite
with him in giving them religious instruction, helped
them to correct thinking and right living, and set
them the best example of soldierly conduct. And
when he was established at the Presidio at San
Francisco, even against the advice and in opposition
to the belief of many that anything could be done
to ameliorate the condition of private soldiers, he
spared no expense in the establishment of a place
of resort as an offset to the attractions of drinking-
saloons, which had done so much to effect their de
moralization. Sustained by a strong faith in the
higher qualities of his men, he achieved a noble
success, and to this day his work stands as a monu
ment of their moral and intellectual growth, and of
Upton's interest in and devotion to their material
and moral necessities.

He soon felt the need of revising the tactics.
The constant improvements in the accuracy and
range of fire-arms forced upon him the conviction

Final Revision of Tactics. 467

that some modification in the formation of troops
for attack and defense was imperative. Being alive
to these changes and to their influence in the direc
tion of a more open order, he directed his attention
to the best means of meeting them. He describes
in the following letter the successful result of a visit
to the headquarters of the army at Washington in
pursuance of his object :

FORT MONROE, February 22, 1879.

. . . The business part of my visit was to ap
proach General Sherman on the subject of revising
the tactics. It so happened that by opposite doors
General Ewing (his brother-in-law) and myself en
tered his office at the same instant. The latter, as
soon as we were presented, said, " I never witnessed
your skirmish-drill till a day or two ago, and I want
to tell you it is the prettiest thing I ever saw."
General Schofield, already in the room, chimed in:
" Did you read the account of a recent lecture de
livered in London before the United Service Insti
tution ? The lecturer presented what he called the
best formation for skirmishing, when Sir Garnet
Wolseley stated that the proposed method was the
same as the American system." General Sherman
then spoke up, " Yes, that was your invention," and,
too modest to reply, I submitted to the impeach
ment. The way being open, I told him that I
wanted to perfect the system, when he said, " You
revise it, bring it to me, and I will get it approved."
This is what I have been looking forward to for a
long time. If I can get it out before the " Military
Policy," I shall not care how hard the wind blows.

468 Emory Upton.

To the final chapters of his book and to this re
vision of his tactics Upton now devoted his best
energies. When fatigued with one he turned to the
other. But he was not destined to complete either ;
'both were left by him, however, in such a state as
to need only the careful attention and editing which
could be easily given by friendly hands. And it is
pleasant to record that in each case such friends
arose whose disinterested and unselfish labor has
been as honorable and meritorious to themselves as
it was creditable to Upton.

His promotion to the colonelcy of the Fourth
Regiment of Artillery followed in the due course of
time, and he was thereupon relieved from duty at
Fortress Monroe and ordered to the Presidio, Cali
fornia, where he assumed command of his regiment
on the 23d of December, 1880.

The revision of the tactics, upon which he was
engaged at the time of his death, had been so far
completed as to need but careful editing on the
part of an officer familiar with the subject, and in
complete accord with the advanced views of Gen
eral Upton. His papers were at first confided to
General Alexander, who, however, because of se
vere illness, was compelled to forego the task, and
they were finally placed in the hands of Lieutenant
E. J. McClernand, an officer of the Second Cavalry.
This officer had just completed a creditable tour of
duty at the Military Academy as an instructor of
tactics, when, on reporting for duty with his regi
ment, General Alexander recognized his essential
qualifications for the task which his illness had pre
vented him from completing. Lieutenant McCler-

Final Revision of Tactics. 469

nand had made a thorough study of tactics while
on duty at West Point, and, with a generosity that
is commendable, undertook this labor. Upon its
completion, McClernand applied to the War De
partment, asking that a board be appointed to con-
sider the revised tactics, in substantially the follow
ing language :

General Upton had been engaged in the revision
of the tactics for infantry troops several years be
fore his death. He had brought not only the learn
ing and experience which he had gained in the
preparation of his former edition, but also a vast
amount of information acquired from a personal in
spection of the armies of Europe and Asia. It is a
subject of congratulation that he did so far accom
plish his intentions as to make it possible for another
to bring them to a successful completion ; indeed, all
that he had left to be done consisted principally in
the correction of details.

I have made it my business to study many sys
tems of infantry tactics, American and European,
and I believe those of General Upton will be pro
nounced by all military men to have few equals and
no superiors. In accordance with the advice of
Colonel Hasbrouck, the commandant of cadets, and
instructor of tactics of the Military Academy, Miss
Upton placed General Upton's manuscript in my
possession, and requested me to complete it for
presentation. Understanding that the War Depart
ment contemplated a revision of the infantry tactics,
I conceived it proper to inform the adjutant-general
of the existence of the completed manuscript em-

470

Emory Upton.

bodying a new system of tactics, and to request
that the system be examined by a board of army
officers.

A few of the changes, which are, however, of
great and far-reaching importance, are here men
tioned. The system is arranged for both a peace
and a war footing organization.

ORGANIZATION OF A COMPANY OF INFANTRY. —
The company is to consist of :

PEACE.
I captain.
I first-lieutenant.
i second-lieutenant.

1 first-sergeant.
4 sergeants.

4 corporals.

2 musicians.
2 artificers.

50 privates.

Total ... 3 commissioned,

63 non-commissioned
and privates.

WAR.

1 captain.

2 first-lieutenants.

2 second-lieutenants.

1 first-sergeant.
8 sergeants.

1 6 corporals.
4 musicians.

2 artificers.

150 to 1 80 privates.

Total. . 5 commissioned,

181 to 211 non-commis
sioned and men.

The habitual instruction of the company is in
open or skirmishing order, and executing various
movements in close order at the conclusion of each
exercise. The company can be deployed as skir
mishers from column of fours, double column of
fours, and column of platoons, and also from line.
It can lie down in column of fours, and open and
close files while in column of fours. From column
of fours it can execute on the right or left into line
and continue the march ; can form line to the right,

Final Revision of Tactics, 471

left, or front, from double column of fours (a new
movement), continuing the movement or halt, as de
sired ; can form square against cavalry, form double
column of fours, and finally execute several new
movements when in column of platoons.

BATTALION ORGANIZATION. — The battalion usu
ally consists of four companies, but may be either
less or greater than four, but in the latter case is not
to exceed six companies. The movements of the
battalion comprise column at half distance ; a line
of double columns (the companies being in double
column of fours), and some admirable formations
for street-fighting. Some of the more complicated
movements in the old tactics are greatly simplified,
or are entirely omitted.

The normal order in the school of the battalion
is the skirmishing. In this, two companies in the
formation of skirmishers, with supports and reserves,
constitute the fighting-line ; the other two compa
nies form the battalion reserve. When more than
four companies form the battalion, the additional
companies may be added to the fighting-line.

The general principles of attack are next de
lineated. The troops are placed in the open or
skirmishing order before they arrive within effective
range. Supports and reserves are held close to the
fighting-line, as the present range of fire-arms is so
great that, in order to render efficient assistance, all
these troops must be under fire, except where pro
tected by the inequalities of the ground. The
method of using heavy lines of skirmishers and ad
vancing at a run from cover to cover is adopted
throughout, the supports and reserves being used

472 Emory Upton.

at the critical moment, and by their impetus carry
the fighting-line forward.

In each position the skirmishers, singly or with
their supports, seek to overwhelm the enemy by
their fire, or tempt him to expend his ammunition.
If he shows signs of weakness, they rush to the next
cover and open fire as before. If unable to move
forward on a line, they work forward man by man,
those in front protecting the advance of those in
rear by keeping down the enemy's fire. If the
enemy gives way, he can be pursued by either the
skirmishers or their supports, or by both combined ;
the reserve may also be added for pursuit. If the
skirmishers are driven back they rally on the sup
port, which will be in line, uncovering its front as
quickly as possible, to enable it to open fire. These,
in turn, if forced to retire, rally on the reserve.

In these tactics, as the conditions now require,
the first importance is given to skirmishing.

REGIMENTAL ORGANIZATION. — The regiment is
supposed to consist of three battalions, but the rules
prescribed are applicable to a less or greater num
ber. This school is quite similar to that of a bri
gade in the old tactics. The open order, having
become a necessity because of the increased range,
requires a greater distance apart of officers, and
hence higher qualifications are demanded of them,
and as a consequence more discretion is allowed
subordinates.

As an intermediate instruction for young sol
diers, between the squad drill and the school of the
company, the school of the platoon is introduced,
which is especially necessary on the war footing.

Final Revision of Tactics. 473

The object of the skirmishing in the school of the
platoon is to teach men in detail the elementary
principles of this order, the extended application of
which is reserved for the school of the company and
battalion.

Upton has abandoned the deployment by fours
and substituted a more direct, simple, and rapid
method. This, in my opinion, is a radical and an
admirable change.

The platoon is habitually divided into two parts
—the front rank constituting the skirmishers or
fighting-line, and the rear rank the supports. The
company on a war footing has a normal order of
three lines or Echelons, while in peace it has but
two.

This review and professional opinion of Upton's
latest labor on his tactics are most important in view
of the report which was spread that his death was
caused by his belief in his professional inability and
consequent failure to overcome inherent difficulties
in his tactics. That this report was wholly unwar
ranted the preceding pages clearly show, and we
now seek the causes of his death in his own physi
cal and organic prostration.

CHAPTER XIII.

DEATH.

WHEN, on the morning of the i5th of March,
1 88 1, the telegraph flashed across the continent the
startling intelligence that General Emory Upton
had taken his own life during the preceding night,
doubt, incredulity, sorrow, and deep distress in
rapid succession possessed his many friends. Of all
the honorable officers of the army he was the very
last of whom such a fate would have been pre
dicted, and yet it was true that his own hand had
sent the bullet on its fatal mission. To even his
most intimate associates this action was shrouded
in the deepest mystery. He had hidden his great
suffering, the sure precursor of his physical break
ing-down, from every one, and only at a time of
greatest agony had he been unable to conceal it
from two of his brother officers just a day or two
before his death.

The circumstances attending this death are so
peculiar that we must pay careful attention to many
matters which, considered alone, might be regarded
as of but slight importance, but which in their en
tirety afford the only clew to the real cause of his
distressful death. Let us then, in full justice to his
memory, inquire into these circumstances.

Death. 475

Every man possesses a public and a private
character which are not always in complete accord.
When the unexpected happens, as in General Up
ton's case, the mind seeks a knowledge of those re
lations of life which are generally hidden from
public view to satisfy the demands of a rational
judgment, and to obtain a vera causa in complete
accord with the act in question. Upton's life, in
all of its minutest public, professional, and private
details, offered not the slightest clew, to the ordi
nary observer, that could throw any light upon
the true cause of his death. As an officer of the
army he was the soul of honor ; through all grades,
from the humblest subaltern to major-general, he
had served his country well — in peace with the
most faithful devotion, in war with the greatest
gallantry. He was beloved by his troops, es
teemed by his associates, and honored by his
country. Professionally, he devoted every energy
and faculty to the study and practice of the mili
tary art ; he was a constant, painstaking student,
and had become well versed in all the details of
war. Seeking to ennoble his profession, he kept
constantly in view the good of the service above
self-advancement. Personally an humble, undoubt-
ing Christian, a believer in a personal Saviour,
he subordinated earthly aims to the heavenly, and
ever looked to the higher life beyond the grave. If
suicide be possible to such a man, then is no one
secure from its terrible consequences.

Suicide is defined to be " the act of designedly
destroying one's own life, committed by a person of
years of discretion and of sound mind." Upton had

476 Emory Upton.

reached the years of discretion ; he had taken his
own life : and now we have to determine whether
this was done designedly, and whether he possessed
a sound mind on the night of the I4th of March,
1881.

This leads us to investigate his physical condi
tion for some years prior to this fatal day.

To the casual observer, and even to his intimate
personal friends, Upton for several years before his
death appeared outwardly to be a splendidly de
veloped man, in the full possession of robust physi
cal health. He had in later years considerably in
creased his weight, his shoulders had broadened, and
all his movements were characterized by his usual
quick, nervous, and alert action. He gave every
external promise of a long life. He had gained by
merit alone a reputation and standing second to
none in the army. He numbered among his per
sonal friends many true men of high station and of
noble character. Not one of his intimates suspected
that death by his own hand could ever be possible.
Doubtless he himself was as little aware of his
actual danger as it was possible for a man to be to
whom no certain warning had come. The follow
ing letters express his serenity and actual hopes at
this near approach of death :

NEW YORK, August 27, 1879.

MY DEAR MOTHER : I am reminded that this
is my fortieth birthday, and can not let it pass
without expressing the gratitude that is in my
heart for all the loving acts and sacrifices which you
have bestowed upon me, who at best am but an un-

Death. 477

worthy son. Father, too, I must include, with full
forgiveness for the many times he took advantage
of my weakness to chastise me for acts which to a
juvenile mind appeared perfectly proper. To-day I
become half of an octogenarian. Will the next forty
years be as eventful as the last ? I hope not. As I
look back to the day I last left home, I think of you
as standing in the front door, father on the stoop,
both enjoying the blessed peace which God gives
to his loving children. Would that our heavenly
Father might bless each of your children with a
happiness as pure and serene as has been vouch
safed to their parents !

FORT MONROE, February i, 1880.

To-day we enter upon the second month of the
new year. ... It has been most beautiful. At the
chapel after the morning service we had the com
munion. I did not forget the loved ones at the
mercy-seat. What an inestimable privilege it is to
know, to love, and trust a Saviour who so loved us
as to give his life for us ! The Bible-class to-day
numbered but four ; yet it was to me at least a prof
itable hour. The strong point I tried to bring out
was that religion is to be enjoyed now. " Blessed
are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of
heaven." This great gift is ours to enjoy now.
" Blessed are they that mourn, for they shall be
comforted." What a precious promise this is ! God
does not willingly afflict or grieve his children.
We may sorrow over the ills or trials of those we
love, we may sorrow over our own frailties and
short-comings, yet above all is the assurance that
we shall be comforted. I have much this year to

478 Emory Upton.

be grateful for. My mental condition is much im
proved. Last year at this time I was much de
pressed. I had malaria, and did not mistrust it
till Dr. Robinson told me of it at Newport. Now,
whenever I feel pains in the back of my head, I take
from thirty to forty grains of quinine in thirty-six
hours, and at once feel relieved. To-morrow I
shall begin the revision of the tactics — a work of
three months, and shall then again begin the Policy.

WASHINGTON, August 27, 1880.

MY PRECIOUS MOTHER : My forty-first birthday
would find me in excellent spirits, but for the re
flection that to-day you may still be suffering from
rheumatism or neuralgia. You may be sure that
none of your children forget you, or fail to offer the
prayer that our heavenly Father may make your
bed in sickness and speedily restore you to health.
The same prayers, too, are offered for father, who
with you has been favored with the rich blessings
which God gives to his children. A day like this
should make one look forward to the end of life.
We are all hastening to the Border-Lands, and be
yond them by faith we can see those who have
been near and dear to us in life.

Rachel, Le Roy, and Emily, are all awaiting that
reunion which shall know no separation. They
have received the crown of life, and to us it is
promised if we remain faithful unto the end. It
may be our heavenly Father's will to afflict us
with pain in this world, but we have the assurance
that eye hath not seen nor ear heard the things
which he hath prepared for those that love him.

Death. 479

PRESIDIO, SAN FRANCISCO, December 26, 1880.
All this week I have been settling down, and,
as I have had to make several trips to the city, the
days have slipped away very rapidly. I shall fur
nish one room with a carpet for parlor, and sleep
in the one in rear, off which is a bath. The oldest
inhabitant is abroad, and says he has never seen
such weather. I think he is right, for I am told it
has rained every day since the ist of December,
and until to-day it has to my knowledge poured
twenty hours out of twenty-four. This will be over
in March. What effect it will have on my head it
would be premature to say, but I don't expect to
derive any benefit.

PRESIDIO, SAN FRANCISCO, January i, 1881.

MY DEAR FATHER AND MOTHER : The first let
ter of the new year shall be to you, to wish God's
greatest blessings to rest upon you. With us the
new year begins bright and sunny. In the East
we read of cold and storm, but above all the Lord
reigns. I am glad that the ist of January, 1881,
has arrived, for now we can say that we hope this
year to go East.

Most of the officers and their families are fond
of this coast. Their children are all well, and, a few
weeks excepted, the weather for most of the year is
delightful. I shall soon be hard at work revising
the tactics — I hope, for the last time. Then I shall
go on with the book that is nearest my heart.

The officers to-day are out calling in full uniform.
I was much gratified to learn from Sara's letter that
both of my good parents are improving in health.

480 Emory Upton.

My prayers for the coming year will be that God
will have you in his tender keeping.

PRESIDIO, SAN FRANCISCO, January 2, 1881.

MY DEAR SARA : I am beginning to feel quite
domesticated. To-morrow the instruction begins
on the new plan, and I shall hope soon to make my
influence felt in the regiment. To-day I have had
the company of an old West Point friend, General
Tannatt. The last time I saw him I spent a week
with him in the Rocky Mountains in 1866. Last
night he came out with me, and has thus been my
first guest. A multitude of associations came back
when we, to-day, partook of the communion togeth
er. He and Benjamin and myself attended the first
prayer-meeting established by General Howard at
West Point. General Howard himself is in the
city, and we all might have been together had we
made an effort or thought of it.

This evening General Tannatt and myself took
a four-mile walk. The road lies wholly in the Res
ervation and winds around the hills, one moment
commanding a view of the bay, and the next look
ing off on the grand Pacific. At the Golden Gate
we came upon Fort Point, a brick castle with four
tiers of guns. The hill back of it is twice its
height, and is connected with it by a bridge which
abuts against the parapet. So we descended into
the fort as they entered houses in the time of the
Saviour, by going through the roof. To-day and
yesterday have been the only fine days we have
had, and they have been like the loveliest autumn
days at Fort Monroe. This week I shall begin

Death. 481

work on the tactics, and shall press it till the re
vision is done.

These letters show a total ignorance of any
serious danger which threatened his life. Indeed,
in making a careful search throughout his volu
minous correspondence, with the exception of a few
fragmentary references to malaria, as in the letter
to Mrs. Martin, of February I, 1880, and to pains
in his head, briefly referred to in a few instances,
not the slightest evidence is found to warrant the
suspicion that he was aware of his condition. That
these ailments may have appeared trivial to him,
and scarcely worth mentioning, might at once be
inferred from the indifference which he invariably
showed to personal physical suffering. Even in his
home letters during the war, there is but the barest
mention made of his severe wounds received in
battle, and he dismissed them with a sentence or
two, simply expressing his hope of speedy recov
ery. Hence, while it may be inferred that any
mention of depression of spirits or slight illnesses
might be taken to mean that they were like the
attacks ordinarily attending even the most excel
lent health, they may have been in his case, and
were, as we know from other sources, quite serious
in their character.

While, in iS/o-'/S, General Upton was serving
as commandant of cadets at West Point, he availed
himself of the services of the dentist at the Acad
emy, Dr. Saunders, for whom he ever entertained
a great regard. Dr. Saunders, in reply to inquiries
regarding General Upton's malady, says :

21

482 Emory Upton.

General Upton consulted me professionally
shortly after he reported for duty as commandant
of cadets at West Point. During one of his earlier
visits to my office I heard a distinct and regular
throbbing in his head, very faint, however, and not
beating in unison with the temporal artery on which
my hand rested. When I drew his attention to
this, he expressed surprise at my hearing it, and
told me he had noticed the sound occasionally for
some time past, and was puzzled to account for it.

After this we discussed the subject at every
visit. I advised him to see the post-surgeons, but
they could give no satisfactory explanation of it.

As time passed, the pulsation or ticking became
more and more distinct, and the annoyance from it
increased to such an extent that the general could
not sleep unless greatly fatigued, and when his rest
was once disturbed it was almost impossible for
him to sleep again.

I feared an aneurism, but never spoke my sus
picion ; I continually urged him to see a specialist.
He consulted several physicians, but I do not think
he tried any special treatment before going abroad.

His letters to me while away were always cheer
ful — no allusion being made to his head troubles.
He appeared to be enjoying his trip greatly, and
told me that he was accumulating loads of valuable
data for future use.

When he returned, I congratulated him on his
fine appearance, and I can remember well how
anxiously he watched to see if I would find the old
trouble. It was there.

He came to see me from time to time, and it was

Death. 483

plain that he grew more and more uneasy about his
disease. The last time I saw him, in the early part
of the year 1880, he exclaimed, "Cure me of this,
and I will give you ten thousand dollars ! " A min
ute afterward he said, " Allen understands it, and I
will submit to his treatment." Whatever may have
been the true nature of his fearful malady, we know
not, probably never shall ; but that he bore up man
fully against a mysterious disease of whose presence
he was ever conscious through its ceaseless knock-
ings at the portals of his brain we have ample proof.
That he struggled bravely and hopefully with it
until reason left her throne, and death relieved him
from his sufferings, all who knew him must admit.

In conclusion, let me say that during the many
years he was a constant visitor at m